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STATEMENT OF ADMIRAL PHILIP S. DAVIDSON, U.S. NAVY COMMANDER, U.S. INDO-PACIFIC COMMAND BEFORE THE HOUSE ARMED SERVICES COMMITTEE ON U.S. INDO-PACIFIC COMMAND POSTURE

Mar 28, 2019
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Chairman Smith, Ranking Member Thornberry, and distinguished members of the committee,
thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today to discuss the Indo-Pacific region.
First, let me say thank you for the significant support we have received from Congress over the
last two years. The temporary relief from the Budget Control Act and an on-time FY19 budget
helped to restore the military readiness and lethality necessary to safeguard U.S. vital national
interests in the Indo-Pacific. With Congress’ support, the recently submitted FY2020 Budget
continues to enhance our nation’s defense posture.
 
Overview
For more than 70 years the Indo-Pacific has been largely peaceful. This was made possible by
three things: the willingness and commitment of free nations to work together for a Free and
Open Indo-Pacific; the credibility of the combat power of U.S. Indo-Pacific Command; and a
robust and modern U.S. nuclear deterrent. This commitment, and this credibility, have worked to
liberate hundreds of millions of people, as well as lift billions out of poverty, all to a level of
prosperity previously unseen in human history. It has also ensured that tensions, regardless of
how or where they arise, do not escalate into large-scale war.
Our nation’s vision for a Free and Open Indo-Pacific, announced in 2017 at the Asia Pacific
Economic Council (APEC) summit in Vietnam, demonstrates our commitment to a safe, secure,
and prosperous region that benefits all nations, large and small. The concept of a Free and Open
Indo-Pacific resonates with our allies and partners across the region and includes economic,
governance, and security dimensions. The vast majority of nations across the region share
similar values, including the core beliefs that governments should be accountable to their people.
We must stand together in support of our shared values and be unambiguous in condemning
those who attempt to undermine those values.
USINDOPACOM is the primary military component of our government’s efforts to ensure a
Free and Open Indo-Pacific. Every day we work with a constellation of like-minded allies and
partners and the rest of the U.S. government to advance our shared vision for a Free and Open
Indo-Pacific.
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When we say Free we mean Free both in terms of security—free from coercion by other
nations—and in terms of values and political systems. Free to choose trading partners. Free to
exercise sovereignty.
An Open Indo-Pacific means we believe all nations should enjoy unfettered access to the seas
and airways upon which all nations’ economies depend. Open includes open investment
environments, transparent agreements between nations, protection of intellectual property rights,
and fair and reciprocal trade—all of which are essential for people, goods, and capital to move
across borders for the benefit of all.
While the term "Free and Open Indo-Pacific" is new, the underlying values and principles to
which the vision speaks are not. In fact, this is how the United States has approached the region
throughout our 240-plus year history. We are now seeing a general convergence around the
importance of a free and open Indo-Pacific across the region—as Japan, Australia, France, New
Zealand, and India have all put forth similar concepts or visions.
The United States is an enduring Pacific power. Our historical, structural, economic, and
institutional ties to the Indo-Pacific are indelible.
U.S. power underpins the post-WWII international system that helps strengthen the essential
foundation of a rules-based international order for economic growth and prosperity in the region
for everyone. Furthermore, USINDOPACOM’s role as a guarantor of security in the region has
enabled our economic power and allowed our partners and allies to focus on their economic
development, which in turn has increased opportunities for U.S. economic engagement and
prevented costly conflict. A peaceful, free, and open Indo-Pacific is especially vital to our
economy in the 21st century when you consider the following:
? The United States conducted more than $1.8 trillion in two-way goods trade with IndoPacific nations in 2017, and more than $1.3 trillion by the third quarter of 2018.
? In 2017, U.S. foreign direct investment in the region reached $940 billion – more than
doubling since 2007. 
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? The Indo-Pacific is home to half of the 20 fastest growing economies.
? The Indo-Pacific currently contains over a third of global GDP and 60% of the global GDP
growth.
? By 2030, 65% of the world’s middle class will reside in the Indo-Pacific, representing an
unrivaled amount of purchasing power.
As the above statistics portend, this dynamic and economically robust region will continue to
play a vital role in our economic future throughout the 21st century.
Five Key Challenges
In my view, five key challenges threaten our vital national interest in ensuring a Free and Open
Indo-Pacific. While we have made significant progress over the last year, North Korea will
remain the most immediate challenge until we achieve the final, fully verifiable denuclearization
as committed to by Chairman Kim Jong Un at the summit in June 2018. China, however,
represents the greatest long-term strategic threat to a Free and Open Indo-Pacific and to the
United States. Through fear and economic pressure, Beijing is working to expand its form of
Communist-Socialist ideology in order to bend, break, and replace the existing rules-based
international order. In its place, Beijing seeks to create a new international order led by China
and with “Chinese characteristics”—an outcome that displaces the stability and peace of the
Indo-Pacific that has endured for over 70 years. Russia is also active throughout the region.
Moscow regularly plays the role of a spoiler, seeking to undermine U.S. interests and impose
additional costs on the United States and our allies whenever and wherever possible. I am also
concerned about the threat posed by non-state actors. Violent Extremist Organizations (VEOs)
seek to impose their views and radicalize people across the region, as evidenced by the capture
of Marawi City in the southern Philippines in 2017—a city of over 200,000 people—by ISIS
extremists. Lastly, natural and manmade disasters are an ever present danger in the region. Let
me describe these five key challenges in more detail.
North Korea:
Denuclearization. USINDOPACOM’s assessment on North Korean denuclearization is
consistent with the Intelligence Community position. That is, we think it is unlikely that North 
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Korea will give up all of its nuclear weapons or production capabilities, but seeks to negotiate
partial denuclearization in exchange for U.S. and international concessions.
Following a rapid series of nuclear and missile tests into 2017, tensions declined; North Korea
halted nuclear testing in September 2017 and ICBM testing in November 2017. President
Trump’s meeting with Chairman Kim in Singapore in June 2018 and Vietnam this past February
were significant milestones. While we did not reach an agreement with North Korea, we
exchanged detailed positions, narrowed the gap on a number of issues, and made clear that the
United States still expects final, fully verified denuclearization.
In early 2018, the two Koreas initiated a season of rapprochement, beginning with the Winter
Olympics in February 2018, and continuing through three subsequent Korean summits between
President Moon and Chairman Kim and multiple lower-level meetings. More recently, North
Korea has undertaken measures in accordance with the Comprehensive Military Agreement it
signed with South Korea in September 2018, to include dismantling guard posts within the
demilitarized zone and removing land mines near Panmunjom. North Korea also returned
remains of U.S. service members from the Korean War, which provided great comfort to
mourning families.
I welcome these steps, but we must remain vigilant to the threat North Korea still poses to the
United States and the international community. North Korea has demanded “corresponding
measures” from the United States in return for these above actions. Kim warned in his 2019
New Year’s speech of a potential “new path,” which could indicate an eventual return to missile
and weapons of mass destruction (WMD) testing if he is not satisfied with the pace of
negotiations and potential benefits. Close monitoring of activities at North Korea’s test and
missile facilities remains a top priority. Our military combat readiness and combined lethality
remain the best deterrent and the best leverage against any threat from North Korea.
Sanctions. North Korea is continuing efforts to mitigate the effects of international sanctions
and the U.S.-led pressure campaign through diplomatic engagement, counter pressure against the
sanctions regime, and direct sanctions evasion. USINDOPACOM will continue to support the 
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President’s pressure campaign by ensuring the military readiness of the combined force and
supporting sanctions enforcement as directed by United Nations Security Council Resolutions
(UNSCR). UNSCR sanctions resulted in a decline in North Korea’s export earnings and cut off
key cash flow sources. However, recent calls from Russia and China to change the sanctions
against North Korea threaten to undo these positive developments.
Additionally, North Korea has a long history of flouting international sanctions, and Pyongyang
regularly attempts to circumvent them. Early in 2018, North Korea exceeded its sanctioned limit
on refined petroleum imports through illicit ship-to-ship transfers. USINDOPACOM is working
with partners and allies to disrupt illicit ship-to-ship transfers that occur primarily in the East
China Sea, often near or in Chinese territorial waters, and in the Yellow Sea. North Korea is also
engaged in cross-border smuggling operations and cyber-enabled theft to generate revenue, while
simultaneously circumventing United Nations Security Council prohibitions on coal exports.
China:
Military Modernization. Over the last 20 years, Beijing has undertaken a massive effort to
grow and modernize the People’s Liberation Army (PLA). The PLA is the principal threat to
U.S. interests, U.S. citizens, and our allies inside the First Island Chain—a term that refers to the
islands that run from northern Japan through Taiwan, the Philippines, and Indonesia—and the
PLA is quickly increasing its ability to project power and influence beyond the First Island
Chain. Beijing pursues both qualitative and quantitative efforts to transform its military,
modernizing its military platforms while simultaneously increasing the number of platforms in
service. Newly-fielded systems include:
? Beijing’s first aircraft carrier group, centered around its refurbished Soviet-built carrier,
reached initial operational capability in mid-2018.
? Beijing’s first domestically-built aircraft carrier, has completed four sets of sea trials since
May 2018 and will likely join the PLA Navy (PLAN) fleet in 2019.
? The RENHAI-class guided missile cruiser, was launched in 2017; three additional vessels
were added to the PLA Navy’s inventory in 2018. This class of vessels will be a key
component of PLA Navy carrier strike groups.
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? The FUYU-class fast combat support ship, developed specifically to support aircraft carrier
task group operations, was commissioned less than a year ago.
? The J-20, the PLA’s first 5th-generation stealth fighter, entered service in February 2018;
plans are underway to research a sixth-generation fighter.
? The Y-20, a domestically-produced heavy-lift aircraft, entered military service in 2016; the
Y-20 has a significantly larger payload capacity and range than the PLA’s previous heavy
and medium-lift aircraft, which advances Beijing’s strategic airlift capability.
? The S-400 advanced surface-to-air missile system, received from Russia in April, 2018; the
S-400 has a 250-mile range, which could expand the PLA’s air coverage over the Taiwan
Strait and other high priority facilities.
The PLA maintains a high operations tempo, primarily in and near China, but is quickly
expanding its operating areas beyond the region. The PLA’s Naval Escort Task Force (NETF)—
now in its 31st iteration—follows its anti-piracy missions off the Horn of Africa by conducting
naval diplomacy deployments to Europe, Africa, and the South Pacific. From May-July 2018,
the 28th NETF completed a three-month naval diplomacy tour conducting port visits and
bilateral exercises in Spain, Nigeria, Ghana, Cameroon, Gabon, South Africa, and Indonesia
before returning to China. Beijing regularly conducts joint military exercises across its ground,
sea, air, and space forces, including amphibious assault training that is designed and specifically
timed to intimidate Taiwan. This spring, approximately10,000 PLA Marines traveled more than
1,200 miles as part of a large-scale exercise designed to improve long-range maneuverability. In
April, Beijing conducted a live-fire exercise into the Taiwan Strait with coastal artillery, and
PLA Air Force (PLAAF) bombers regularly circumnavigate Taiwan.
Beijing continues pursuing next-generation technologies and advanced weapons systems,
including hypersonic glide vehicles, directed energy weapons, electromagnetic railguns, counterspace weapons, and unmanned and artificial intelligence-equipped weapons. The PLA has also
made significant technological, game-changing developments in its ability to defeat, or
drastically reduce, the effectiveness of U.S. sensors and defensive weapons. The PLA has tested
hypersonic missiles since 2014, including the WU-14, with speeds approaching Mach 10. In
August 2018, Beijing claimed to have successfully tested its first hypersonic aircraft. 
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Beijing is also modernizing and adding new capabilities across its nuclear forces. China’s third
generation Type 096 nuclear-powered Ballistic Missile Submarine (SSBN) will be armed with
JL-3 sea-launched ballistic missiles and will likely begin construction in the early-2020s. In
April, Beijing confirmed the DF-26 entered service—a road-mobile, nuclear, and conventional
capable Intermediate-Range Ballistic Missile (IRBM), expanding Beijing’s near-precision strike
capability as far as the Second Island Chain (a term that refers to the southern part of the
Aleutian Islands, the Commonwealth of Northern Mariana Islands, Guam, the Republic of Palau,
and northern Papua New Guinea). Beijing continues testing its DF-41 road-mobile
Intercontinental Ballistic Missile (ICBM), which carries multiple independently targetable reentry vehicles and has a range of up to 9,300 miles.
South China Sea. Beijing maintains maritime claims in the South China Sea that are contrary to
international law and pose a substantial long-term threat to the rules-based international order.
Beijing ignored the 2016 ruling of an Arbitral Tribunal established under Annex VII of the Law
of the Sea Convention, which concluded that China’s claims to historic rights, or other sovereign
rights or jurisdiction, with respect to the maritime areas of the South China Sea encompassed by
the “nine-dash line” are contrary to UNCLOS and without legal effect. In April 2018, Beijing
continued militarizing outposts by deploying advanced military systems that further enhance the
PLA’s power projection capabilities, including missiles and electronic jammers. These actions
run directly counter to President Xi’s 2015 commitment not to militarize these features. On
multiple occasions, Beijing has landed military transport aircraft on the Spratly Islands and longrange bombers on the Paracel Islands. Additionally, Chinese Coast Guard vessels now fall under
the command of the Central Military Commission and regularly harass and intimidate fishing
vessels from our treaty ally, the Philippines, operating near Scarborough Reef, as well as the
fishing fleets of other regional nations.
East China Sea. Beijing continues using its military forces to advance its territorial claims in
the East China Sea. Beijing maintains a high level of surface combat patrols in the East China
Sea. Additionally, Chinese Coast Guard vessels frequently enter the territorial waters of the
Senkaku Islands, which the United States recognizes as being under Japan’s administrative 
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control. In 2017, these incursions occurred on an average of once every ten days, and continued
in 2018 at about two per month. Additionally, while Beijing mostly implements United Nations
Security Council Resolutions against North Korea, in a number of cases, illicit ship to ship
transfers continue to occur within Chinese territorial waters.
Economic Pressure. While the United States strives to promote a Free and Open Indo-Pacific,
Beijing is leveraging its economic instrument of power in ways that can undermine the autonomy
of countries across the region. Beijing offers easy money in the short term, but these funds come
with strings attached: unsustainable debt, decreased transparency, restrictions on market
economies, and the potential loss of control of natural resources. Beijing’s actions in this regard
have potential military ramifications as well. Beijing touts its need to safeguard its citizens
abroad and defend its expanding global interests in order to justify increased permanent PLA
overseas basing and presence. Beijing is also exploiting growing debt burdens to access strategic
infrastructure in the region. In December 2017, Sri Lanka handed over control of the newly-built
Hambantota seaport to Beijing with a 99-year lease because Sri Lanka could no longer afford its
debt payments to China.
Over the last year, we have seen that countries across the region are becoming more aware of the
threat Beijing’s economic policies pose. Malaysia announced the cancellation of three projects
worth $22 billion in August 2018, declaring that it could not afford Beijing’s projects, decrying
the corrupt practices associated with the projects, and criticizing the loans as a “new version of
colonialism.” The Maldives’ former president described Beijing’s investments as a “land grab”
under the guise of development. In contrast, the United States’ vision for a Free and Open IndoPacific strives to preserve the autonomy of independent nations in the Indo-Pacific region. We
must continue to support countries that stand up to Beijing’s coercive economic policies
whenever possible and help those countries offset any economic blowback from Beijing. Our
engagement in the Indo-Pacific must truly be a whole-of-government undertaking, in partnership
with the private sector and civil society, to counter China’s economic coercion.
Arctic and Antarctic. Beijing recognizes the growing strategic significance of the Arctic and
Antarctic and has signaled its plans to assert a greater role in these regions. Despite not being an 
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Arctic nation, Beijing published its first Arctic policy paper in 2018, which defends Beijing’s
role in the region and outlines Beijing’s vision of a “Polar Silk Road” to complement its other
economic initiatives. Beijing launched its first domestically built icebreaking research vessel in
September 2018, and Beijing plans to launch its second in 2019. Beijing also opened bidding for
construction of its first nuclear-powered icebreaker. Beijing wants to boost its polar research and
expedition capabilities and recently announced plans to double the frequency of its Arctic
expeditions to once a year. Beijing has also expressed increasing interest in Antarctic operations
and establishing logistics stations to supply them. This is of increasing concern to our ally
Australia, as well as New Zealand, as Beijing seeks positional advantage and control of territory
and natural resources in these vital regions.
Fentanyl and Pre-Cursors Chemicals. Another challenge that affects the security environment
indirectly is the continuing fentanyl and opioid crisis in the United States. Illicit fentanyl, as well
as legal pre-cursor chemicals used in the production of illegal drugs primarily originate from
China. Moreover, technological advancements in e-commerce and commercial shipping present
a different business model from the traditional methods used by transnational criminal
organizations for drug trafficking. These innovations represent a new level of complexity for
U.S. law enforcement agencies and policymakers alike. I welcome the PRC’s decision to
designate and regulate fentanyl as a controlled substance after President Xi’s meeting with
President Trump in Argentina in December of last year, and we look forward to seeing tangible
progress.
Russia:
Military modernization. Moscow continues to modernize its military forces, viewing military
power as critical to achieving key strategic objectives and global influence. Nuclear weapons
remain an important component of Russia’s power projection and deterrence capabilities, and the
Russian military conducts regular nuclear-capable Tu-95 Bear bomber long-range aviation
flights off the coasts of Japan, Korea, Canada, and Alaska. For the past decade Russian military
planning has emphasized the development of modernized platforms and weapons systems, and
Moscow is pushing these platforms to the Indo-Pacific region. In recent years, the Eastern
Military District has become increasingly important for Russian security interests. Russia has 
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invested in military infrastructure, improved its command-and-control capabilities, deployed
anti-ship missile systems, and modernized its anti-air capabilities in the region. For example,
Russian units in the Eastern Military District expect to take delivery of thirty-seven new vessels
by 2024, which is a major increase compared to the twenty-eight new units received in the region
over the last decade. Moscow recently announced plans to expand its combat forces in the
Eastern Military District and to substantially reinforce the Pacific Fleet. Despite the threat of
U.S. sanctions through the 2017 Countering America’s Adversaries Through Sanctions Act
(CAATSA), Russia continues to export weapons to the Indo-Pacific region.
Furthermore, Russia hosted its largest military exercise since 1981, Exercise VOSTOK 2018,
simulating land, sea, and air operations in the Eastern Military District and mobilizing forces
from across Russia to engage in multiple live-fire missile launches. Of note, Chinese forces
participated in Exercise VOSTOK for the first time. While Beijing’s military cooperation was
largely symbolic, because the forces remained segregated with separate command posts, Vostok
2018 was still a significant first step in forging a closer military partnership.
Japan-Russia Relations. Japan and Russia have a long-standing territorial dispute since the
Second World War over the Northern Territories/Kuril Islands, which are strategically important
for Russia’s access to the Pacific Ocean. Russia has further entrenched itself in this contested
territory by reestablishing an airfield on Matua Island, located in what it calls the central Kuril
Islands, to accommodate light military transport aircraft and helicopters. Russia has also
deployed coastal defense cruise missile systems and SU-35 multirole fighters to the islands and
also announced plans to build a naval base. This more assertive approach to its eastern front
reflects growing focus in Moscow of the vital importance of the broader Indo-Pacific for
Russia’s long-term security. Although Prime Minister Abe and President Putin have met on
several occasions to negotiate a peace treaty that could, in part, resolve this territorial dispute,
they have not reached an agreement. Russia remains concerned that the United States could
establish military facilities under Article VI of the Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and Security in
the Northern Territories if they are returned to Japan
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Violent Extremist Organizations (VEOs):
In the wake of the 2017 siege of the southern Philippine city of Marawi, Philippine security
forces have maintained consistent pressure on Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) networks in
the Philippines, conducting a number of arrests in 2018. Additionally, counterterrorism
operations on the Philippine island of Jolo against ISIS-supporting elements of the Abu Sayyaf
Group succeeded in disrupting kidnap-for-ransom operations. ISIS claimed credit for multiple
small-scale attacks in the Philippines, including a mid-2018 vehicle-borne improvised explosive
device attack at a military checkpoint in the southern Philippines. Outside of the Philippines, we
saw a number of small-scale attacks in 2018, and I remain concerned about the growth of ISIS in
the region. Over 1,000 foreign terrorist fighters have traveled to Iraq and Syria from the IndoPacific region, and at least 170 have returned. We expect the number of returnees to increase
with the persistent loss of ISIS-held territory. ISIS’ Amaq News claimed responsibility for a
series of mid-May 2018 bombings against churches and a police headquarters in Surabaya,
Indonesia. Other countries across the region remain concerned about the potential for
disenfranchised and vulnerable populations to become recruitment targets. Self-radicalized
violent extremists who are influenced or inspired by ISIS or other extremists are another cause
for concern. The recent attack on a local Catholic parish in Jolo in the Sulu Archipelago is
evidence of continued concern.
Natural and Man-made Disasters:
The Indo-Pacific remains the most disaster-prone region in the world. It contains 75% of the
earth’s volcanoes and 90% of earthquakes occur in the “Ring of Fire” surrounding the Pacific
Basin. Since 2008 the Indo-Pacific has lost half a million lives and suffered over $500 million in
damages, with over one and a half billion people affected by natural and manmade disasters
overall. The UN estimates that economic losses in the region due to disasters could exceed $160
billion annually by 2030. Many countries across the region lack sufficient capability and
capacity to manage natural and man-made disasters.
A key element of USINDOPACOM’s engagement strategy in the region is building capacity
with our allies, partners, and friends to improve their resilience and capability to conduct their
own humanitarian assistance and disaster relief (HA/DR). 
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USINDOPACOM directly supports HA/DR efforts across the region, as well. In July 2018, we
sent special operations forces to help the international effort to rescue twelve Thai boys and their
coach from a flooded cave. USINDOPACOM also assisted relief efforts in Sulawesi, Indonesia
last year with sixty-four personnel and three C-130 aircraft after an earthquake and tsunami hit
the country. Another recent example of USINDOPACOM’s support ended just last month after
the Super Typhoon Yutu hit Tinian and Saipan. USINDOPACOM responded quickly by
providing joint forces, equipment, and fresh drinking water, and by building temporary shelters
and assisting with clearing debris from roads and homes.
USINDOPACOM’s Security Role in the Indo-Pacific
The most important security development in the Indo-Pacific has been the rapid modernization
of the PLA. The scope and scale of that modernization has caused USINDOPACOM’s relative
competitive military advantage to erode in recent years. With the 2018 National Defense
Strategy as a guide, USINDOPACOM is focused on regaining our competitive military
advantage and ensuring a Free and Open Indo-Pacific over the short- and long-term.
My strategy centers around fielding and sustaining a force capable of combat-credible deterrence
that is postured for two distinct security roles: to win before fighting and, if necessary, be ready
to fight and win.
Ready to Fight and Win. USINDOPACOM’s ability to prevail in armed conflict is the
foundation of combat credible deterrence. By fielding and maintaining a joint force ready to
fight and win, USINDOPACOM reduces the likelihood that any adversary will resort to military
aggression to challenge or undermine the rules-based international order.
Win Before Fighting. Deterrence is necessary to prevent conflict, but deterrence alone cannot
ensure a Free and Open Indo-Pacific. Our adversaries are pursuing their objectives in the space
between peace and war, using fear and coercive actions across the instruments of national power
to revise the rules-based international order and without resorting to armed conflict. Alongside
like-minded allies and partners, USINDOPACOM must compete in the “gray zone” between 
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peace and war. These deliberate actions will ensure a Free and Open Indo-Pacific against those
malign actors that seek to accomplish their political objectives short of armed conflict.
USINDOPACOM Focus Areas
Given the challenges in the region, ensuring a Free and Open Indo-Pacific requires that
USINDOPACOM remain ready to execute high-end/high-tech wartime missions on short notice.
USINDOPACOM must be postured to achieve a more advantageous security environment
without the lethal use of military force. The following four focus areas guide the command's
efforts toward meeting both of the aforementioned security roles:
? Focus Area 1. Increase joint force lethality. We must continue to develop and field
capabilities necessary to deter aggression and prevail in armed conflict should
deterrence fail.
? Focus Area 2. Enhance our design and posture. We will adapt from our historic
service-centric focus on Northeast Asia only to a more integrated joint force blueprint
that is informed by the changing threat environment and challenges of the 21st century
across the entire Indo-Pacific region.
? Focus Area 3. Exercise, experiment, innovate. Targeted innovation and
experimentation will evolve the joint force while developing asymmetric capability to
counter adversary capabilities.
? Focus Area 4. Strengthen our allies and partners. Through increased
interoperability, information-sharing, and expanded access across the region, we will
present a compatible and interoperable coalition to our adversaries in crisis and armed
conflict.
Focus Area 1: Increase Joint Force Lethality
Over the last two decades, adversaries have rapidly closed the gap in many of the areas that used
to be clear asymmetric advantages for the United States, encroaching upon USINDOPACOM’s
ability to deter conflict or prevail in armed conflict should deterrence fail. Our adversaries are
fielding advanced Anti-Access Area Denial (A2AD) systems, advanced aircraft, ships, space,
and cyber capabilities that threaten the U.S. ability to project power and influence into the
region. Increasing joint force lethality means developing and fielding systems and capabilities to 
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preserve our key asymmetric advantages in order to prevent any potential adversary from
thinking it can achieve its political or military objectives through armed conflict. Increasing our
joint force lethality means joint and combined interoperability, an integrated fires network that
enables long-range strike, and advanced missile defense systems capable of detecting, tracking,
and engaging advanced air, cruise, ballistic, and hypersonic threats from all azimuths. In short,
we must be able to defend our forces and project power so that no adversary can achieve
sustained dominance in the Indo-Pacific and threaten our key allies and partners.
Air Superiority. The United States cannot assume that it will have air superiority in the IndoPacific. For over fifteen years, the predominant employment of United States armed forces has
been in the ongoing fight against terrorism in Syria, Iraq, and Afghanistan where our ability to
dominate in the air domain was unchallenged. In contrast, the U.S. faces peer competitors in the
Indo-Pacific. Beijing has invested heavily in systems that challenge the United States’ ability to
achieve air superiority. The U.S. government must continue to pursue multi-domain capabilities
to counter anti-air capabilities and we continue to prioritize 5th generation fighter capabilities to
the Indo-Pacific.
Undersea Warfare. The United States must maintain its advantage in undersea warfare—an
asymmetric advantage that our adversaries are focused on eroding. There are four-hundred
foreign submarines in the world, of which roughly 75% reside in the Indo-Pacific region. Onehundred and sixty of these submarines belong to China, Russia, and North Korea. While these
three countries increase their capacity, the United States retires attack submarines (SSNs) faster
than they are replaced. USINDOPACOM must maintain its asymmetric advantage in undersea
warfare capability, which includes not just attack submarines, but also munitions and other antisubmarine warfare systems such as the P-8 Poseidon and ship-borne anti-submarine systems.
Potential adversary submarine activity has tripled from 2008 levels, which requires at least a
corresponding increase on the part of the United States to maintain superiority.
Intelligence, Surveillance, and Reconnaissance. The Indo-Pacific’s dynamic security
environment requires persistent and intrusive Intelligence, Surveillance, and Reconnaissance
(ISR) to provide indications, warning, and situational awareness across over half the world. 
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USINDOPACOM supports a re-allocation of DoD ISR assets to better satisfy intelligence needs
in line with National Defense Strategy-priorities. USINDOPACOM relies on a mix of Airborne
ISR (AISR) assets to provide a dedicated and flexible ISR capability across the entire region.
USINDOPACOM supports efforts to re-capitalize critical AISR capabilities and the continued
development of future ISR platforms, such as the MQ-4C Triton, as well as our interoperable
Processing, Exploitation, and Dissemination architectures.
Space. Space is a vital strategic domain. U.S. adversaries are militarizing space;
USINDOPACOM must have access to resilient and defensible space systems that can operate in
a contested environment. USINDOPACOM relies on space-based assets for satellite
communications (SATCOM), ISR, missile warning, and Positioning, Navigation, Timing (PNT)
capabilities, which support missions across the range of military operations. The command’s
vast geographic expanse increases the strain on USINDOPACOM’s requirements and our
reliance on low-density space-based assets that are in high-demand.
As Beijing’s and Moscow’s military modernization continues, they are pursuing broad and
robust counter-space capabilities. While not as advanced, North Korea remains a threat through
its employment of SATCOM and PNT jammers. The threat to the electromagnetic spectrum
continues as our adversaries develop means to deny our space-enabled capabilities. As Space
Command (SPACECOM) transitions responsibilities from United States Strategic Command
(STRATCOM) into the future Space Force, USINDOPACOM looks forward to continued
collaboration in this critical domain as we work to further integrate space-based capabilities into
our daily operations and contingency planning.
Cyber. USINDOPACOM is heavily reliant on cyber capabilities and faces increasing threats in
the cyber domain from both state and non-state actors, such as Beijing, Moscow, Pyongyang, and
criminal actors. The United States must ensure it has a robust and capable cyber force with all
required equipment and a common network operational structure necessary to ensure command
and control. Moreover, USINDOPACOM requires an agile and defensible mission command
network infrastructure to ensure adequate command and control, and enable interoperability with 
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our allies and partners to fully leverage our combined capacities. Furthermore, the DoD must
prevent and, if necessary, respond to cyber-attacks against non-military critical infrastructure in
both homeland defense and in support of civil authorities.
The U.S. military’s offensive cyber capabilities provide additional tools to leverage as part of
multi-domain operations to compete and win, but these tools must become more responsive to
the operational requirements of the combatant commands. The growth in these offensive
capabilities is not limited to equipment – we need talent and innovation. The development and
retention of personnel with subject-matter expertise is a critical component for our nation’s
success.
My staff coordinates extensively with USCYBERCOM to integrate effective offensive,
defensive, and network operations into my multi-domain plans and operations. Our staffs
collaborate daily on current operations through our respective operations centers, at least weekly
on future operations planning, and at least quarterly on future capability requirements.
Multi-Domain and Distributed Operations. As adversary military forces grow in both
quantity and quality, USINDOPACOM must integrate operations in all domains to be successful
in the 21st century. The Multi-Domain and Distributed Operations concepts of the services
incorporate the capabilities of the physical domains and place greater emphasis on space,
cyberspace, and other contested areas including the electromagnetic spectrum, the information
environment, and the cognitive dimension of warfare. Multi-Domain and Distributed Operations
allow U.S. forces to outmaneuver adversaries physically and cognitively, advancing the 20th
century concept of combined arms into the 21st century’s requirement to operate across all
domains, at all times.
I fully support all services and functional commands efforts to operationalize Multi-Domain and
Distributed Operations concepts. In 2018, USINDOPACOM successfully demonstrated MultiDomain and Distributed Operations capabilities in major exercises while also integrating new
technologies and approaches across the joint force. In the years ahead, USINDOPACOM will 
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progress from experimentation to validation of concepts, culminating in an overall increase in the
lethality of the joint force.
Advanced Munitions. Developing and fielding advanced munitions is a critical component to
increasing joint force lethality. The following are some of the more pressing munitions upgrades
based on the challenges we face in the region:
? Improvements to Missile Defense – Patriot Missile Segment Enhanced (MSE), Terminal
High Altitude Area Defense (THAAD) upgrades, and other capabilities to defend against
maneuvering and hypersonic missiles.
? Innovations in heavy weight torpedo technology provide force-multiplying effects that
currently do not exist, including long range in-port or at-sea attack and shallow water
covert mine laying.
? The immediate resourcing and integration of ATACMS system and/or the Kongsberg
Naval Strike Missile with HIMARS/MLRS to support Army and United States Marine
Corps (USMC) units conducting Multi-Domain Operations and sea control missions.
? Continued investments in Hard Target Munitions (HTM). There is a significant increase in
the number of hard and deeply buried targets in the theater requiring HTM.
? Hypersonic long-range strike (H-LRS) – these emerging weapons dramatically improve
probability of engaging time sensitive targets and have increased survivability and thus
higher probability of success.
? Effective counters to the expanding asymmetric unmanned aerial system (UAS) threat
including potential for multiple swarms of small UAS.
Focus Area 2: Enhance Design and Posture
To effectively defend U.S. interests, USINDOPACOM must update its existing design and
posture to compete with our adversaries across the entire Indo-Pacific. At present,
USINDOPACOM forces west of the International Date Line are focused in Northeast Asia – an
historical legacy of the Second World War and Korean War. We must update our design and
posture to preserve strength in this key region, but also ensure that the United States is ready to
compete and win before fighting across all of the Indo-Pacific. By recalibrating theater posture 
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to balance capabilities across South Asia, Southeast Asia, and Oceania, USINDOPACOM will
be able to respond to aggression more effectively throughout the Indo-Pacific.
Similarly, the USINDOPACOM Joint Logistics Enterprise must be capable of supporting joint
warfighting requirements across the entire theater in a more dynamic and distributed posture.
Posture and pre-positioning are essential to overcome the region’s tyranny of distance. Ship
sailing times are upwards of ten days from the U.S. west coast, and it takes significant lead-time
to reposition strategic airlift and tanker support to enable major force flow.
The speed of war has changed, and the nature of these changes makes the global security
environment even more unpredictable. It’s dangerous and unforgiving. Time and decision space
have collapsed, so our approach to warfare must adapt to keep pace; with the speed and multiple
avenues that our adversaries are able to pursue. We require a force posture that enables the
United States to undertake a spectrum of missions. These missions include: capacity building
for partners that face internal and external vulnerabilities, cooperation on transnational threats,
and joint and combined training. Our enhancements to interoperability make for more effective
coalitions in crisis.
USINDOPACOM will “regain the advantage” by positioning theater infrastructure that supports:
? Expeditionary capability that is agile and resilient.
? Dynamic basing for our maritime and air forces.
? Special operations forces capable of irregular and unconventional warfare.
? Anti-submarine warfare capabilities unmatched by any adversary.
? Land forces equipped with weapons systems that hold an adversary’s air, sea, and land
forces at risk.
? Cyber and space teams integrated into Multi-Domain and Distributed Operations.
? Unique intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance capabilities.
Global Force Management (GFM) and Posture. The Indo-Pacific is a theater that requires
short response timelines across a vast region. Regional threats require U.S. forces to maintain a
high level of readiness to respond rapidly to crises. USINDOPACOM’s readiness is evaluated 
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against its ability to execute operational and contingency plans. The plans place a premium on
ready and immediately responsive forces that can exercise, train, and operate with our partner
nations’ militaries. Forward-stationed forces west of the International Date Line decrease
response times, bolster the confidence of allies and partners, and reduce the chance of
miscalculation by potential adversaries. Contingency response times require that I have the
essential conventional and strategic forces assigned to USINDOPACOM.
In line with the National Defense Strategy, USINDOPACOM prioritizes stationing and
deployment of 5th generation aircraft in the Indo-Pacific. Additionally, the United States has
deployed some of our newest and most advanced aviation platforms to the region, such as the P8 Poseidon, RQ-4 Global Hawk, MV-22 Osprey, EA-18G Growler, E-2D Hawkeye, and C-130J
Super Hercules.
In addition to forward stationed forces, the ability of the United States to surge, rotate, and
globally maneuver ready forces is an asymmetric advantage that must be maintained. The high
operational demands, delayed maintenance, training pipeline shortfalls, and shortage of ready
surge forces limit USINDOPACOM’s responsiveness to emergent contingencies and greatly
increases risk. The challenges grow each year as our forces continue to deploy at unprecedented
rates while the DoD grapples with fiscal uncertainty.
Integrated Air and Missile Defense. USINDOPACOM faces unique Integrated Air and
Missile Defense (IAMD) challenges in the Indo-Pacific to protect our forces and allies. Hawaii,
Guam, and our Pacific Territories are part of our homeland and must be defended. Hawaii is
currently protected from North Korean Intercontinental Ballistic Missiles (ICBMs) by the
Ground-Based Midcourse Defense System. This system includes Ground-Based Interceptors in
Alaska and California; ground, sea, and space-based sensors; and redundant command, control,
and communications systems.
For the defense of Hawaii, the planned Homeland Defense Radar Hawaii (HDRH) will improve
U.S. capabilities. A Notice of Intent to Prepare an Environmental Impact Statement was
released in June 2018, and the radar is projected to be operational by late 2023. The HDRH will 
20
provide an enhanced ballistic missile sensing and discrimination capability in the Indo-Pacific,
and it increases the capability of the Ground-Based Midcourse Defense System to defend
Hawaii.
Meanwhile, our adversaries continue to improve their capabilities in ways that challenge the
United States’ strategic, operational, and tactical freedom of movement and maneuver. Beijing
and Moscow continue to develop and field advanced counter-intervention technologies, which
include highly maneuverable reentry vehicle and warheads (hypersonic weapons). Beijing and
Russia possess cruise missiles and small-unmanned aerial systems (sUAS) that fly different
trajectories, making them hard to detect, acquire, track, and intercept due to unpredictable lowflight profiles and sophisticated countermeasures. North Korea retains its nuclear and ICBM
capabilities.
USINDOPACOM’s IAMD priority is to establish a persistent, credible, and sustainable ballistic
missile defense by forward deploying the latest missile defense technologies to the Indo-Pacific.
Through forward and persistent presence, these active missile defense capabilities would help
mitigate the risk to missile threats faced in the region and to the homeland. USINDOPACOM
addresses this IAMD priority in the following ways:
? USINDOPACOM works with the DoD, Missile Defense Agency, the services, academic
institutions, and industry to deploy capabilities that counter the advanced missile threats
in the region.
? USINDOPACOM maintains an active Terminal High Altitude Area Defense (THAAD)
battery on Guam to protect U.S. citizens and strategic military capabilities from North
Korean intermediate-range ballistic missiles (KN-17 and MUSUDAN).
? USINDOPACOM employs additional radars across the theater supporting homeland and
regional missile defense, as well as continued testing of the Ballistic Missile Defense
System (BMDS).
? In 2017, USINDOPACOM and USFK, with support from the MDA and the DoD,
deployed a THAAD battery to the Korean Peninsula that is fully operational. The MDA
and the services deliver improved BMDS capability to the Korean Peninsula, including 
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integration of existing Ballistic Missile Defense (BMD) assets to improve engagement
options and coverage area.
? The U.S. Navy completed its forward deployment of the USS MILIUS from San Diego,
CA to Yokosuka, Japan in Spring 2018. This port shift provides the U.S. Seventh Fleet
improved capability to support the U.S.-Japan Alliance.
? USINDOPACOM continues working with Japan, South Korea, and Australia toward
creating a fully-integrated BMD architecture that addresses the increasing cruise missile
threat.
? USINDOPACOM supports MDA and the services to develop and test emerging missile
and counter-small UAS defense capabilities through modeling and simulation, as well as
live-fire testing conducted at the Pacific Missile Range Facility, the Ronald Reagan Test
Center at Kwajalein Island, Point Mugu, and other testing ranges located in the
continental United States and Alaska.
I support all efforts that improve the capability and capacity of ballistic missile, cruise missile,
and UAS defense technologies to further enhance homeland defense capabilities and protect key
regional locations. The development of a credible and effective defense against advanced and
future missile and UAS threats remains vital to our operational plans and critical to the continued
defense of the United States.
Logistics and Supply. Driven by budgetary pressure, our logistics system has become a more
efficient business process, and a less effective warfighting function over the last 20 years.
Efficiency has come at the cost of increased vulnerability and decreased redundancy. While this
arrangement is sufficient for peacetime operations, it is insufficient for combat. Congress’ IndoPacific Stability Initiative could significantly help reverse the current trend toward a less resilient
Joint Logistics Enterprise in the Pacific.
As adversary capabilities improve, joint operations will increasingly rely on distributed supply
chains in order to fight and win against a peer adversary. The joint logistics enterprise must be
postured with the right capability and capacity at the right locations in order to effectively
support multi-domain and distributed operations. This means developing infrastructure at both 
22
enduring and contingency operating locations; identifying and sourcing transportation,
distribution, and maintenance requirements; and developing the processes to enable logistics
decisions at the speed of war. USINDOPACOM is critically dependent on tactical airlift and sea
lift capacity, which expands options for force design and maneuver. Increased tactical airlift and
sealift capacity further increase survivability as it becomes more difficult for an adversary to
counter a highly maneuverable joint force. These tactical lift assets play just as important a role
as strategic lift assets in ensuring our ability to create a resilient and agile logistics network.
Significant and sustained investment in munitions is needed to reduce risk to current and future
strategic readiness. Services must fund and continue investment in munitions research and
development, while setting relatively steady requirements to maintain a healthy production
capability for current and new munitions. I appreciate Congress’ action to enhance munitions
funding in FY2018 and FY2019, but shortfalls remain. USINDOPACOM’s top priorities for
increased procurement are Long Range Anti-Ship Missiles, SM-6, MK-48 torpedoes, AIM-9X,
BGM-109 Block IV (Maritime Strike Tomahawk), and AIM-120D. The Services must also
upgrade storage facilities and reassess prepositioning based on the new security environment.
Fuel supply agility and resilience are central to our success in being competitive, responsive, and
lethal. The changing threat environment, energy security risks, and adversarial geopolitical and
economic influences are driving longer supply lines, necessitating a flexible resupply chain and
more resilient, agile, and interoperable petroleum distribution capabilities. Continued investment
in next generation petroleum distribution systems is required to mitigate sustainment risk in
austere, contested, and denied environments. Access and positioning of fuel remains a key pillar
of our logistics posture and is vital to USINDOPACOM's ability to ensure operational freedom
of maneuver throughout the theater.
Focus Area 3: Exercise, Experimentation, and Innovation
Our exercise, experimentation and innovation program is key to maintaining readiness while also
developing and integrating new capabilities and concepts. This program also highlights our
capabilities and capacity to deter competitors while simultaneously reassuring allies, partners,
and friends. 
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Pacific Multi-Domain Training and Experimentation Capability (PMTEC) Initiative.
USINDOPACOM’s Joint Exercise Program has traditionally monitored the operational and
warfighting readiness of assigned theater and partner nation forces for crises, contingency
operations, and HA/DR. Exercises have advanced key objectives including strengthening
regional alliances and partnerships, while deepening interoperability through combined training.
The current Joint Exercise Program has been useful for enhancing the readiness of
USINDOPACOM’s assigned forward deployed forces; I am now looking to move to the next
level of integration.
Scarce resources have reinforced the need to integrate all major test and training ranges in the
Pacific region through a Pacific Multi-Domain Training and Experimentation Capability
(PMTEC) initiative. This USINDOPACOM initiative combines the existing Air Force Joint
Pacific Alaska Range Complex (JPARC), the Navy’s Pacific Missile Range Facility (PMRF) and
the Army’s Pohakuloa Training Area (PTA) in Hawaii, the Delamere Air Weapons Range in
Northern Australia, and the Marine Corps’ future Commonwealth of Northern Mariana Islands
(CNMI) Joint Military Training (CJMT) range into a fully networked and integrated training
constellation that supports joint, combined, multi-domain training. PMTEC will also ensure
USINDOPACOM has the ability to prioritize training, readiness, and experimentation to achieve
a more integrated and lethal joint force that can both deter and when necessary, fight and win.
As the next layer of integration, PMTEC will also link test-ranges (e.g., the Ronald Reagan Test
Site at Kwajalein) to enable experimentation with developing technologies to create new, more
effective, joint operating concepts that will ensure future warfighting success.
The PMTEC initiative also integrates cyber and space capabilities to enable joint and combined
experimentation and testing that is truly multi-domain. Currently, many of these ranges restrict
operations to just air and land capabilities or just air, land, and maritime capabilities. As a result,
our forces often have to simulate or provide exercise injects that replicate space and cyber
effects. We are working to fully incorporate space and cyber into our exercises.
Experimentation and Innovation. USINDOPACOM relies on innovation and experimentation,
underpinned by strong partnerships, to address our capability gaps in the region. This includes 
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testing and integrating new technologies, developing new capabilities, and exploring new
concepts of operation and employment. USINDOPACOM makes extensive use of OSD's Joint
Capability Technology Demonstration, Coalition Warfare Program, and other rapid prototyping
programs to focus cutting edge technology-based capabilities and innovation to enhance our
readiness.
Innovation is crucial to increasing logistics agility and resilience. USINDOPACOM will
continue utilizing the Joint Capability Technology Demonstration program to identify
technological solutions to our critical logistics capability gaps. To facilitate greater resilience,
USINDOPACOM will protect and harden our critical logistics infrastructure, information
systems, and enablers. For example, USINDOPACOM is developing the capability to rapidly
repair damage to critical seaports and airfields.
As part of our innovation and experimentation efforts, USINDOPACOM maintains robust
engagement with a variety of partners to identify, promote, and incorporate research and
development to address key capability gaps. USINDOPACOM has worked with some of the
best DoD industry partners on advancing man and machine teaming, artificial intelligence,
machine-learning, hypersonic technology, autonomy, command and control, and block chain
technology. USINDOPACOM benefits from engineers, operations analysts, and theaterexperienced operators from Federally Funded Research and Development Center (FFRDC) and
University Affiliated Research Center (UARC) partners. These partners perform robust military
utility assessments of emerging technology in the context of theater plans. The ability to harness
the knowledge and experience of the individuals from these organizations is vital to advancing
key capabilities for targeting, cyberspace operations, undersea warfare, electronic warfare, and
ISR.
Focus Area 4: Strengthen Allies and Partners:
The United States’ network of allies and partners is our principal advantage against any
adversary. USINDOPACOM depends upon the collective capabilities of our allies and partners
to address the challenges to a Free and Open Indo-Pacific. The most obvious point—one made
abundantly clear in the National Security Strategy—is that whatever we do, we must do it with 
25
our allies and partners. The keys to our bilateral and multilateral relationships are
communication, information-sharing, and interoperability.
Agile Communications. Agile communications are crucial—not only for our readiness, but for
our relationships in the region. USINDOPACOM works with allies and partners in order to
enhance our interoperability throughout the Indo-Pacific region. Currently, USINDOPACOM is
not fully postured with the latest technology to operate in cyberspace with dynamic multiplepartner combinations in all phases of military operations. Furthermore, our nation is still
developing the communication capacity and sharable encryption capability necessary to support
most modern warfighting platforms and weapon systems with our allies and partners. Although
USINDOPACOM does not have formal agreements for exchanging information with many of
the nations or organizations within the region, there is continued progress. The recently
concluded Communications, Compatibility, and Security Agreement (COMCASA) with India is
a step in the right direction. COMCASA is a bilateral agreement that allows the Indian military
to procure U.S. cryptological equipment to enable secure voice and data exchange for enhanced
interoperability. There will be similar efforts undertaken with others in the Indo-Pacific. As we
continue to improve our agility in coalition information-sharing environments, our future
capabilities will allow ally and partner forces alongside of our forces to adequately respond to
natural disasters and contingencies. We will have agile, secure, dynamic information technology
capabilities to support the full spectrum of military operations with our partners and allies in
order to enhance interoperability.
Security Cooperation and Capacity Building. Security cooperation and capacity-building
engagements in the region help build ally and partner capabilities, information-sharing, and
interoperability. Addressing maritime security and maritime domain awareness challenges
remains a key priority for nations across the region. The 2019 National Defense Authorization
Act extended the FY16 NDAA Section 1263 “Southeast Asia Maritime Security Initiative
(MSI)” for another five years (FY21 through FY25), and expanded MSI to encompass portions
of South Asia. The MSI authority, along with other DoD authorities such as the Title 10 Section
333 Global Train and Equip, and Department of State authorities such as Foreign Military
Financing (FMF) and International Military Education and Training (IMET), in addition to the 
26
new Asia Reassurance Initiative Act, represent weighty tools available for building partner
readiness, reducing capability gaps, and building capacity. The Department of State’s one-time
reprogramming of $290.5 million of FMF to the Indo-Pacific in 2018 is a clear effort to assist
our region, for which USINDOPACOM is grateful.
Addressing the Indo-Pacific Together:
Enhancing Partnerships with our Allies and Partners
The Indo-Pacific is one of the largest and most diverse regions on earth. These differences are
our strength, and the thousands of miles of ocean and sky between us do not divide us, they are
the connective elements that bind us together. As I look at the depth and breadth of the IndoPacific, I see opportunities in each of the regions to advance our shared values in ensuring a Free
and Open Indo-Pacific. Throughout the Indo-Pacific, the most effective way to address the
challenges I have described is through collective action of multiple nations.
The security landscape mirrors the diversity of the Indo-Pacific. In Northeast Asia, the security
environment where our strong alliances with Japan and South Korea dominate, I am focused on
the immediate threat presented by North Korea and the long-term threat posed by Beijing’s and
Moscow’s aggressive policies. In Southeast Asia, I am focused on working with our allies,
Thailand and the Philippines, and our strong partners, Singapore and Vietnam, to strengthen
ASEAN, expand multilateralism, and improve their combined capacity to stand up to the malign
influence of state and non-state actors, especially in the South China Sea. In South Asia, I am
focused on expanding cooperation with the world’s largest democracy, India, and working with
all South Asia countries to increase air and maritime domain awareness across the Indian Ocean.
Finally, in Oceania, I am encouraged by the opportunities to partner with our strong allies,
Australia and France, and strong friend, New Zealand, to improve information sharing and
maritime cooperation as the Pacific Island Countries address the challenges associated with
Illegal, Unreported, and Unregulated (IUU) fishing, natural disasters, narcotics trafficking, and
economic coercion from Beijing. 
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Northeast Asia. The command’s goal is to stabilize Northeast Asia and leverage our strong
alliances with Japan and South Korea to improve stability across the broader Indo-Pacific. In
order to achieve this, USINDOPACOM needs a security environment that is secure from
coercion from Pyongyang, Beijing, and Moscow. As the region becomes more stable, we will
encourage Japan and South Korea to take a greater role in the alliances related to their own
security and contribute to security in the broader Indo-Pacific region.
Japan. The U.S.-Japan alliance is the cornerstone of our efforts to ensure a Free and Open IndoPacific. The Government of Japan released its own Free and Open Indo-Pacific Strategy in
2017, and Japan is looking to become more involved across the broader Indo-Pacific region.
Additionally, Japan is a key supporter of UNSCR enforcement operations and hosts the
Enforcement Coordination Cell (ECC) in Yokosuka, Japan. Tokyo intends to procure high-tech
U.S. platforms that will increase interoperability, including F-35A, E-2D Hawkeye, Global
Hawk UAS, MV-22, and Advanced Electronic Guides Interceptor System (AEGIS) Ashore.
Furthermore, Japan’s 2018 National Defense Program Guidelines (NDPG) call for strengthening
the U.S.-Japan alliance, and expanding their international security cooperation with like-minded
partners in the region. They also prioritize advancements in Japan’s space, cyberspace, and
electro-magnetic capabilities.
USINDOPACOM and Japan’s Self Defense Force have transformed the way military alliances
plan and campaign together. Our approaches for a Free and Open Indo-Pacific are synchronized
in our national policies and defense strategies, and communication mechanisms exist at every
level of our governments to ensure we are synchronized on key issues. The U.S.-Japan alliance
is committed to supporting countries that respect and adhere to the rule-of-law, and our alliance
seeks to enable opportunities for economic prosperity throughout the region.
South Korea. The U.S.-South Korea alliance remains ironclad, and we are both committed to
the final, fully verified denuclearization of North Korea. South Korea is also a key supporter of
UNSCR Enforcement activities against North Korea. USINDOPACOM works closely with
Seoul in obtaining capabilities required under the Conditions-based Operational Control
Transition Plan (COTP) – the ongoing plan to transfer Combined Forces Command (CFC) to 
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South Korean leadership. Seoul has future procurement plans for the P-8, advanced munitions,
upgrades to PAC-3 missiles, and F-16 fighters. All these assets will increase interoperability
with the United States.
Taiwan. In accordance with our One China Policy, based on the Taiwan Relations Act and three
U.S.-China Joint Communiques, the United States and Taipei maintain a substantive and robust
unofficial relationship with Taiwan based on the Taiwan Relations Act (TRA). Taiwan's values
reflect our own—it features an open economy with a free and democratic society that respects
human rights and the rule of law. The United States opposes any unilateral change to the status
quo in the Taiwan Strait. The United States continues to support the peaceful resolution of
cross-Strait issues in a manner, scope, and pace acceptable to the people on both sides.
USINDOPACOM's engagement focuses on improving joint interoperability within Taiwan's
military, improving Taiwan training and readiness, and supporting Taiwan's military and
professional development.
Beijing is pushing across the globe to diplomatically isolate and economically constrain Taiwan.
Taiwan has only seventeen diplomatic partners left after losing El Salvador, Burkina Faso, and
the Dominican Republic as diplomatic partners in 2018. Beijing continues to press the
international community and private businesses to remove or modify any references to Taiwan
on websites and publications and is attempting to deny Taiwan’s participation in international
fora.
As evidenced in President Xi Jinping’s New Year’s speech, China is focused on achieving
reunification as a part of the PRC’s national plan of rejuvenation by “reserving the option of
taking all necessary measures and not renouncing the use of force.” We continue to be
concerned with China's military buildup across the Strait, Beijing’s opaqueness about its military
capability and capacity, and its unwillingness to preclude the use of force to resolve the crossstrait issue. The United States has a deep and abiding interest in peace and stability in the
Taiwan Strait and welcomes steps by both sides to reduce tensions and improve cross-Strait
relations. President Xi’s solution of a one country, two systems approach to reunification does
not reflect the wishes of both sides. We hope that there will be continued high-level 
29
communications and interactions going forward through which both sides can continue their
constructive dialogue on the basis of dignity and respect. Although President Tsai and her party,
the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), have committed to “avoid confrontation and prevent
surprises” with China, the cross-Strait situation is of increasing concern given the harsh rhetoric
from Beijing toward the leadership in Taipei.
Taiwan recently passed its 2019 defense budget, which will fund foreign and indigenous
acquisition programs as well as near-term training and readiness. Consistent with the TRA,
USINDOPACOM engages with the Taiwan military to enable Taiwan to maintain a sufficient
self-defense capability that is credible, resilient, and cost-effective.
Mongolia. Mongolia is a strong partner and contributor to the United States’ regional and global
policy objectives. Mongolia supports missions in Afghanistan and United Nations Peace
Keeping Operations, making Mongolia a model for emerging democratic countries that want to
be more active globally. Ulaanbaatar’s “Third Neighbor Policy” intends to balance Russian and
Chinese influence by developing relationships with the United States and other like-minded
countries. USINDOPACOM and Mongolia have had inaugural land forces talks, developed a
five-year security cooperation plan, and laid the groundwork for Airman-to-Airman Talks. The
United States is helping Mongolia improve their special operations forces, peacekeeping
operations, and Air Forces.
 
Southeast Asia. USINDOPACOM’s objective in Southeast Asia is to strengthen the subregion’s ability to deny adversaries’ attempts to dominate or disrupt the gateway between the
Pacific and Indian Oceans, while enabling the region to promote their sovereign interests, resist
economic pressure from others, and preserve conditions for continued economic growth.
USINDOPACOM is setting conditions in the security environment that support this goal, which
ensures that all nations can freely access shared domains. Adversary militaries will be unable to
dominate the global commons that enable trade and the global economy. The command’s efforts
will improve the region’s awareness and capability to enforce their borders, territorial waters,
and exclusive economic zones. USINDOPACOM will advocate for multilateral venues like the
Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) to advance collaboration, settle disputes 
30
equitably, and strengthen resolve against the malign influence of state and non-state actors. We
are very grateful to Congress for its continued support for the $425 million Maritime Security
Initiative for Southeast Asia which enables Thailand, Philippines, Vietnam, Malaysia, and India
to increase their capability and capacity in continued maritime domain awareness over the next
five years.
ASEAN. The United States and ASEAN share the common principles of a rules-based
international order, respect for international law, and the peaceful resolution of disputes. The ten
ASEAN member states, under the chairmanship of Singapore in 2018 and Thailand in 2019,
continue to seek ways to improve multilateral security engagements and advance stability in the
Indo-Pacific. USINDOPACOM is committed to strengthening regional institutions such as
ASEAN, the ASEAN Defense Ministers’ Meeting-Plus, and the ASEAN Regional Forum.
USINDOPACOM participates in ASEAN exercises, key leader engagements, and multilateral
cooperation on a number of shared transnational challenges, and will host an ASEAN-U.S.
Maritime Exercise in 2019. USINDOPACOM co-chairs the ASEAN Defense Ministers’
Meeting-Plus Experts’ Working Group on Humanitarian Assistance and Disaster Relief with
Malaysia through the end of 2019. USINDOPACOM’s engagements with ASEAN, and with the
respective ASEAN member states, build and strengthen relationships, and convey the United
States’ steadfast commitment to the region.
Cambodia. USINDOPACOM reduced the number of engagements with Cambodia. During
these limited engagements the command reaffirms the importance of strengthening democratic
institutions and maintaining an independent foreign policy. The United States and other
countries in the region are concerned about the possible construction by a Chinese state-owned
enterprise of a facility in Cambodia. USINDOPACOM appreciates the statements by the Prime
Minister noting that foreign military facilities are prohibited under their constitution. However,
the command remains concerned about the possible militarization of Cambodia's coast including
the prepositioning of military equipment, the stationing of military units on long term rotations,
and the construction of dual use facilities.
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Indonesia. This year, the United States and Indonesia celebrate our 70th anniversary of bilateral
relations, which provides an opportunity to highlight our growing strategic relationship.
USINDOPACOM is committed to a strategic partnership with Indonesia. Indonesia's strategic
location, its status as the third largest democracy, fourth most populous country, and its
expanding economy all underscore its essential role in the regional security architecture.
Indonesia is the largest recipient of U.S. training and education programs in the region. We
continue to support the Indonesian military’s focus on external threats and national defense,
particularly maritime domain awareness and maritime security.
Laos. After decades of stagnation in the U.S.-Lao relationship following the Vietnam War, we
have seen some significant advancements over the last two years. In 2016, the United States and
the Lao People’s Democratic Republic signed a Comprehensive Partnership that resulted in a
surge of bilateral military engagements. The command’s engagement goals are to partner and
assist Laos in becoming a stable, prosperous, and independent member of ASEAN that is willing
and able to promote its sovereign interests and respect international law. These engagements
focus around unexploded ordnance (UXO) clearance, POW/MIA recovery, and military
medicine. Laos actively supports the Defense Personnel Accounting Agency (DPAA) in the
search for 290 missing U.S. service members with an aim to honorably conclude war legacy
issues (UXO and POW/MIA recovery missions) by 2030. USINDOPACOM is expanding
engagements with the Lao military.
Malaysia. Malaysia remains a critical partner of increasing importance in the region ever since
the United States elevated the relationship to a Comprehensive Partnership in 2014.
USINDOPACOM is exploring expanded collaboration in the areas of maritime security,
counterterrorism, information-sharing, and defense institutional reform. Malaysian Armed
Forces have demonstrated the professionalism, capacity, and resolve to contribute to regional
security, and we continue to evolve our defense relationship on mutual areas of interest.
Philippines. The Philippines is a treaty ally and a partner in preserving a Free and Open IndoPacific and our military-to-military relationship has never been stronger. USINDOPACOM has
increased the number and scope of exercises in recent years, to include the resumption of live-
32
fire exercises. Terrorism continues to pose a security challenge in the Philippines, and
USINDOPACOM is committed to helping the Philippines ensure that the southern Philippines
does not become a safe-haven for terrorists that would threaten the entire region. I am also
focused on helping to develop the territorial defense capability of the Armed Forces Philippines
(AFP) and look forward to re-engaging with the Philippines National Police Maritime Group to
continue improving their ability to protect their sovereign interests.
Singapore. Singapore remains a steadfast security cooperation partner in Southeast Asia with a
strong commitment to promoting a Free and Open Indo-Pacific. Though not a formal ally,
Singapore provides valuable access to the strategically-located entrance of the Malacca Straits
and South China Sea. Singapore supports a strong U.S. presence in the region as well as a deep
and broad defense relationship between our two countries. Singapore supports our objectives on
North Korea, and in 2018, Singapore hosted the historic U.S.-North Korea summit between
President Trump and Chairman Kim Jong Un. Singapore also hosted the transit and rotational
deployment of more than 1,500 U.S. military aircraft and vessels (2015-2018), making the
United States the heaviest foreign user of Singapore’s facilities at Sembawang Port, Paya Lebar
Air Base, and Changi Naval Base. Singapore maintains training facilities at Luke Air Force
Base (AFB), Arizona (F-16); Mountain Home AFB, Idaho (F-15SG); Marana, Arizona (Apache
AH-64D); and Fort Sill, Oklahoma (High Mobility Artillery Rocket System (HIMARS).
Moreover, USINDOPACOM and Singapore steadily increased interoperability through
increasingly complex exercises, and we continue to strengthen cooperation in counterterrorism
and maritime security. Singapore annually sends 1000 students to training and education courses
in the United States, representing the largest training presence in the United States from any
foreign military.
Thailand. Last year marked 200 years of friendly U.S.-Thai relations, and Thailand remains a
key ally and security partner. In 2019, I am focused on advancing our alliance and restoring
elements of our military-to-military relationship following the restoration of a democratic
government after elections in March. Thai facilities provide vital training opportunities for
USINDOPACOM personnel, and logistical nodes that are essential to operate throughout the 
33
Indo-Pacific region. Thailand assumed the chairmanship of ASEAN in 2019 and continues to
play a vital leadership role in the Indo-Pacific region.
Vietnam. Vietnam has emerged as a key partner in promoting a secure and rules-based
international order in the Indo-Pacific region. USINDOPACOM’s defense partnership with the
Vietnamese military is among the strongest aspects of our growing bilateral relationship. As a
symbol of closer ties between the United States and Vietnam, the aircraft carrier USS CARL
VINSON made a port call in March 2018 to Vietnam, the first of its kind since the end of the war
in 1975. Vietnam shares many of the United States’ principles on issues such as international
rule of law and freedom of navigation, and Vietnam is one of the loudest voices on South China
Sea disputes. USINDOPACOM’s and the Vietnamese military’s military-to-military
engagements prioritize enhancing Vietnam’s maritime capacity, which will be bolstered by
Vietnam’s acquisition of Scan Eagle UAVs, T-6 trainer aircraft, and a second U.S. Coast Guard
cutter. I look forward to Vietnam assuming the ASEAN Chairmanship in 2020 and increasing its
leadership across the region.
Burma (Myanmar). Ongoing human rights abuses, including growing restrictions on freedom
of expression, including for members of the press, and atrocities [including ethnic cleansing],
and instability in some ethnic minority areas comprise threats to Burma's democratic transition.
Due to credible information of serious human rights violations and abuses, especially in relation
to Rohingya, as well as restrictions that remain in place based on decades of military rule, U.S.-
Burma security cooperation is minimal. The U.S.-Burma security relationship is limited to
lower-level engagements at select regional security events and conferences, and participation in
multilateral exercises focused on HA/DR. Burma military personnel are not attending academic
exchanges, including at the region’s DoD academic institute, despite the importance of engaging
the next generation of officers.
South Asia. USINDOPACOM’s goal in South Asia is to create and seize opportunities to
broaden critical partnerships to ensure shared domains remain open to all. In conjunction with
India’s contributions to regional security, these actions will prevent adversaries from establishing
an effective military presence in the Indian Ocean that threaten the security of vital commerce 
34
and continued economic growth and development. As a result, the regional states will be able to
reduce internal conflicts, respond to regional security challenges, and resist adversaries’ military
and economic coercion.
India. The U.S.-India strategic partnership continues to advance at an historic pace as we
continue to increase our interoperability and information-sharing capabilities. The inaugural 2+2
Ministerial and signing of the COMCASA in 2018 were pivotal moments in our relationship.
USINDOPACOM expects this trajectory to continue and that 2019 will be a significant year in
bilateral relations. The United States and India are natural partners on a range of political,
economic, and security issues. With a mutual desire for global stability, support for the rulesbased international order, and a Free-and-Open Indo-Pacific region, the United States and India
have an increased agreement on interests, including maritime security and maritime domain
awareness, counter-piracy, counterterrorism, humanitarian assistance, and coordinated responses
to natural disasters and transnational threats. Over the past year, the United States and Indian
militaries participated in five major exercises, executed more than fifty other military exchanges,
and further operationalized the 2016 Logistics Exchange Memorandum of Agreement
(LEMOA). The LEMOA enables the U.S. Navy to replenish supplies from Indian navy logistics
platforms. USINDOPACOM is working with the Indian military to operationalize the
COMCASA, which will boost interoperability between our militaries. Defense sales are at an
all-time high, with India operating U.S. sourced platforms such as P-8s, C-130Js, C-17s, AH-64s,
CH-47s, and M777 howitzers. Additionally, India recently agreed to a $2.1-billion purchase of
MH-60R multi-role sea-based helicopters and is considering a number of additional U.S. systems
for purchase. USINDOPACOM fully supports the purchase of U.S. systems, F-16 and F/A-18E
aircraft, a reorder of 12-15 P-8Is, and a potential purchase of Sea Guardian UASs.
Bangladesh. Bangladesh is an important security partner with strong potential to enhance
regional stability and advance U.S. interests in South Asia on counter-terrorism, Muslim
outreach, countering violent extremism, supporting humanitarian assistance and disaster relief,
and supporting United Nations Peacekeeping Operations (UNPKO). The humanitarian crisis
caused by the presence of more than 700,000 Rohingya refugees from Burma (Myanmar) in
Bangladesh has strained the Government of Bangladesh. Bangladesh’s December 30 elections 
35
point to concerning trend of consolidation of power by the ruling Awami League and raise fears
that PM Hasina is aiming to achieve a de facto one-party state. Military-to-military engagement
with Bangladesh fits into a broader strategy and commitment to uphold an international, rulesbased order in the vital Indo-Pacific region and contributes to building a regional security
framework.
Sri Lanka. Sri Lanka remains a significant strategic opportunity in the Indian Ocean, and our
military-to-military relationship continues to strengthen. However, political turmoil and ethnic
tension between the Tamil and Sinhalese populations remain drivers of instability and potential
obstacles to continued growth in our partnership. Moreover, Sri Lanka has handed over the deep
water port of Hambantota to China on a 99-year lease due to its mounting debts to China, which
has caused international concern. Despite the political upheaval, it is in our interests to continue
military collaboration and cooperation with Sri Lankan Forces. USINDOPACOM cooperation
with the Sri Lankan Military centers on building capacity in maritime security and maritime
domain awareness, humanitarian assistance and disaster relief as well as humanitarian demining, medical assistance, and peacekeeping operations. Increasing navy-to-navy engagement
with Sri Lanka will be a USINDOPACOM focus in 2019. The Sri Lankan Navy is a well-trained
and professional force with the potential to contribute to multi-lateral maritime interoperability in
the Indian Ocean. The recent transfer of an excess U.S. Coast Guard cutter to Sri Lanka in
August 2018, along with additional platforms from Japan and India, provide the Sri Lankan
Navy greater capabilities to contribute to regional maritime domain awareness initiatives. Going
forward, it is necessary to sustain engagement with Sri Lanka, particularly the navy, and
construct a multi-lateral approach to capacity building with like-minded partners to rapidly
enhance the Sri Lankan Navy’s capabilities.
Oceania. USINDOPACOM is deepening engagement with the Pacific Island Countries (PICs)
of Oceania to preserve a Free and Open Indo-Pacific region, and we are committed to
strengthening the region’s future security and prosperity with our partners and allies. In close
coordination with Australia, Japan, France, and New Zealand, USINDOPACOM is working to
strengthen the resilience of the PICs by tackling common challenges: drug trafficking; Illegal, 
36
Unreported, Unregulated (IUU) fishing; the existential threat of rising ocean levels; natural
disasters; and the heavy debt burdens that threaten their sovereign interests.
Australia. Our alliance with Australia underpins our relations across Oceania, and Canberra
plays a leading role in regional security and capacity-building efforts for a Free and Open IndoPacific. Australia is increasing its diplomatic presence, military and economic assistance, and
infrastructure investments in Fiji, Papua New Guinea, and the other PICs to enhance security in
the region. Australia is a key supporter of UNSCR enforcement operations against North Korea
as well. The U.S. Marine Corps completed its sixth successful Marine Rotational Force-Darwin
deployment, and we expect to reach the full authorized strength of 2,500 Marines later this year.
These deployments maintain significant combat power west of the International Date Line with
an ally. Moreover, Australia is procuring high-tech U.S. platforms, such as the F-35, that will
increase interoperability.
Compact of Free Association (COFA) States. The Republic of Palau, Federated States of
Micronesia (FSM), and the Republic of the Marshall Islands (RMI), collectively referred to as
the “Compact” states, are threatened by external pressures including the pernicious use of
Beijing’s economic leverage. The Republic of Palau, FSM, and RMI entered into a Compact of
Free Association (COFA) with the United States more than 25 years ago, allowing the United
States to foreclose access or use of those countries by third-country militaries. Under the
COFAs, the Compact States receive economic assistance, including grants, access to various
U.S. federal programs, and for many citizens of the Compact States, visa-free travel to the
United States. U.S. contributions to the trust funds established by the COFA are scheduled to
end after 2023. Moreover, these island nations are under increasing pressure from Beijing’s
economic strategy. Additionally, the changing climate represents an existential threat to these
nations as they urgently seek to mitigate damage from higher tides and rising sea levels, shifting
patterns of fishing populations essential to economic livelihood, and greater intensity of natural
disasters such as tropical storms and droughts. The continued support that the COFA has
engendered also benefits the United States. We provide support to these countries and they
support the United States. The patriotic citizens of these nations join the U.S. armed forces in
larger numbers per capita than most U.S. states, and I value their service. The Compact states
37
rely on continued support from the United States to mitigate these threats and the United States
would like to continue to benefit from the good will of these Pacific Island Countries to further
our strategic interests in Indo-Pacific region.
Fiji. USINDOPACOM’s relationship with the Republic of Fiji is thriving and robust, and we
were pleased to see a credible election process there in 2018. Australia’s decision to invest in the
Black Rock International Peacekeeping Center was welcomed, and will ensure that Fiji continues
to play an important role in peacekeeping missions around the world. USINDOPACOM is
postured to provide engineering support for improvements and new construction to the Ground
Forces Training Center and to assist Australian engineers with the Black Rock International
Peacekeeping Center. In 2018, Fiji signed a U.S. ship-rider agreement, opening up new
opportunities for maritime security cooperation between our two countries. Additionally, the
establishment of Fiji as a partner in the National Guard’s State Partnership Program opens up
another door for our two militaries to train and work together. The $5 million plus-up in foreign
military sales (FMS) allows USINDOPACOM to deepen our military relationship with the Fijian
military.
France. France, a NATO ally with significant territory in the Indo-Pacific, is increasing its
operational activities in the region and is a key contributor to the multilateral efforts. The United
States, Japan, Australia, New Zealand, and France coordinate operational support and capacitybuilding with the PICs. The primary operational engagement provides support to the Forum
Fisheries Agency to address IUU fishing. France is also becoming increasingly active across the
broader Indo-Pacific region, and I welcome both French support to UNSCR sanction
enforcement activities against North Korea, and increased French activity in the South China
Sea.
New Zealand. New Zealand remains a steadfast and key partner who, in 2018, increased
investment, foreign assistance, and infrastructure support to the South Pacific.
USINDOPACOM greatly appreciates this commitment of additional resources to the PICs. For
the last six years, the United States and New Zealand, through bilateral defense dialogues, have
increased interoperability collaboration headlined in 2018 by New Zealand’s purchase of P-8 
38
Poseidon maritime patrol aircraft to replace aging P-3 Orion aircraft. Additionally, New Zealand
has provided key support to UNSCR sanctions enforcement against North Korea.
Papua New Guinea (PNG). USINDOPACOM’s engagement with PNG improves regional
posture and demonstrates the U.S. commitment to the region. With security support from
Australia and the United States, PNG hosted the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC)
summit in 2018. During APEC, Vice President Pence announced that Australia and the United
States would partner with Papua New Guinea to develop the Lombrum Naval Base on Manus
Island in the northern part of PNG. USINDOPACOM looks forward to assisting Australia and
PNG in developing options for this base.
Additional Allies
Canada. Like the United States, Canada is a member of NATO and a Pacific nation. Canadian
policy in the Indo-Pacific focuses on cooperation and building partnerships as they increase
operational activities in the region. By focusing on consistent engagement with all willing
parties, Canada hopes to deepen its relationship with Australia, New Zealand, and the United
States. Canada wants to provide a continued presence in the Pacific to enhance regional
stability, specifically citing tensions on the Korean Peninsula in their National Defence Policy.
Ottawa provides support to ongoing North Korea UNSCR sanctions enforcement as well.
United Kingdom (UK). The UK, another NATO ally, remains one of the strongest defenders of
a Free and Open Indo-Pacific, and sees prosperity and security in the Indo-Pacific as an essential
driver of global economic growth. The UK recently established three new diplomatic posts in
the Pacific and increased foreign aid to the Pacific by 6% in 2018. The recently concluded
cooperative deployment with the HMS Argyll and USS McCampbell in the South China Sea
highlights the value of multinational operations and, more importantly, the international message
to those who seek to infringe on the ability to fly, sail, and operate wherever international law
allows.
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Conclusion
In the 21st century, U.S. security and prosperity will increasingly depend upon a peaceful and
stable Indo-Pacific region—one that features respect for states’ sovereignty, freedom of the seas
and skies, and adherence to international norms, rules, and behavior. In short, it is in our vital
national interests to ensure a Free and Open Indo-Pacific over the short- and long-term. As the
Commander of USINDOPACOM, my focus is first and foremost on preserving and advancing
the security and stability of the region, over the short- and long-term.
I will ensure the 375,000 men and women of USINDOPACOM remain ready to fight and win, if
necessary, while also focusing on competing and winning below the level of armed conflict. It is
in this so-called “gray zone” between peace and war where many of our adversaries currently
operate, and we must be equally prepared to compete with our adversaries before and after the
initiation of hostilities. To do this, we need a comprehensive approach across multiple U.S.
governmental departments, and partnerships with civil society and the private sector, to engage
in areas that transcend traditional military core competencies. Our armed services must be
manned, trained, and equipped to overcome the full spectrum of challenges presented by state
and non-state actors. With the continued support of Congress, and together with our allies and
partners, I believe we will be successful at this important mission.STATEMENT OF
ADMIRAL PHILIP S. DAVIDSON, U.S. NAVY
COMMANDER, U.S. INDO-PACIFIC COMMAND
BEFORE THE HOUSE ARMED SERVICES COMMITTEE
ON U.S. INDO-PACIFIC COMMAND POSTURE
27 MARCH 2019
 
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Chairman Smith, Ranking Member Thornberry, and distinguished members of the committee,
thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today to discuss the Indo-Pacific region.
First, let me say thank you for the significant support we have received from Congress over the
last two years. The temporary relief from the Budget Control Act and an on-time FY19 budget
helped to restore the military readiness and lethality necessary to safeguard U.S. vital national
interests in the Indo-Pacific. With Congress’ support, the recently submitted FY2020 Budget
continues to enhance our nation’s defense posture.
Overview
For more than 70 years the Indo-Pacific has been largely peaceful. This was made possible by
three things: the willingness and commitment of free nations to work together for a Free and
Open Indo-Pacific; the credibility of the combat power of U.S. Indo-Pacific Command; and a
robust and modern U.S. nuclear deterrent. This commitment, and this credibility, have worked to
liberate hundreds of millions of people, as well as lift billions out of poverty, all to a level of
prosperity previously unseen in human history. It has also ensured that tensions, regardless of
how or where they arise, do not escalate into large-scale war.
Our nation’s vision for a Free and Open Indo-Pacific, announced in 2017 at the Asia Pacific
Economic Council (APEC) summit in Vietnam, demonstrates our commitment to a safe, secure,
and prosperous region that benefits all nations, large and small. The concept of a Free and Open
Indo-Pacific resonates with our allies and partners across the region and includes economic,
governance, and security dimensions. The vast majority of nations across the region share
similar values, including the core beliefs that governments should be accountable to their people.
We must stand together in support of our shared values and be unambiguous in condemning
those who attempt to undermine those values.
USINDOPACOM is the primary military component of our government’s efforts to ensure a
Free and Open Indo-Pacific. Every day we work with a constellation of like-minded allies and
partners and the rest of the U.S. government to advance our shared vision for a Free and Open
Indo-Pacific.
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When we say Free we mean Free both in terms of security—free from coercion by other
nations—and in terms of values and political systems. Free to choose trading partners. Free to
exercise sovereignty.
An Open Indo-Pacific means we believe all nations should enjoy unfettered access to the seas
and airways upon which all nations’ economies depend. Open includes open investment
environments, transparent agreements between nations, protection of intellectual property rights,
and fair and reciprocal trade—all of which are essential for people, goods, and capital to move
across borders for the benefit of all.
While the term "Free and Open Indo-Pacific" is new, the underlying values and principles to
which the vision speaks are not. In fact, this is how the United States has approached the region
throughout our 240-plus year history. We are now seeing a general convergence around the
importance of a free and open Indo-Pacific across the region—as Japan, Australia, France, New
Zealand, and India have all put forth similar concepts or visions.
The United States is an enduring Pacific power. Our historical, structural, economic, and
institutional ties to the Indo-Pacific are indelible.
U.S. power underpins the post-WWII international system that helps strengthen the essential
foundation of a rules-based international order for economic growth and prosperity in the region
for everyone. Furthermore, USINDOPACOM’s role as a guarantor of security in the region has
enabled our economic power and allowed our partners and allies to focus on their economic
development, which in turn has increased opportunities for U.S. economic engagement and
prevented costly conflict. A peaceful, free, and open Indo-Pacific is especially vital to our
economy in the 21st century when you consider the following:
? The United States conducted more than $1.8 trillion in two-way goods trade with IndoPacific nations in 2017, and more than $1.3 trillion by the third quarter of 2018.
? In 2017, U.S. foreign direct investment in the region reached $940 billion – more than
doubling since 2007. 
3
? The Indo-Pacific is home to half of the 20 fastest growing economies.
? The Indo-Pacific currently contains over a third of global GDP and 60% of the global GDP
growth.
? By 2030, 65% of the world’s middle class will reside in the Indo-Pacific, representing an
unrivaled amount of purchasing power.
As the above statistics portend, this dynamic and economically robust region will continue to
play a vital role in our economic future throughout the 21st century.
Five Key Challenges
In my view, five key challenges threaten our vital national interest in ensuring a Free and Open
Indo-Pacific. While we have made significant progress over the last year, North Korea will
remain the most immediate challenge until we achieve the final, fully verifiable denuclearization
as committed to by Chairman Kim Jong Un at the summit in June 2018. China, however,
represents the greatest long-term strategic threat to a Free and Open Indo-Pacific and to the
United States. Through fear and economic pressure, Beijing is working to expand its form of
Communist-Socialist ideology in order to bend, break, and replace the existing rules-based
international order. In its place, Beijing seeks to create a new international order led by China
and with “Chinese characteristics”—an outcome that displaces the stability and peace of the
Indo-Pacific that has endured for over 70 years. Russia is also active throughout the region.
Moscow regularly plays the role of a spoiler, seeking to undermine U.S. interests and impose
additional costs on the United States and our allies whenever and wherever possible. I am also
concerned about the threat posed by non-state actors. Violent Extremist Organizations (VEOs)
seek to impose their views and radicalize people across the region, as evidenced by the capture
of Marawi City in the southern Philippines in 2017—a city of over 200,000 people—by ISIS
extremists. Lastly, natural and manmade disasters are an ever present danger in the region. Let
me describe these five key challenges in more detail.
North Korea:
Denuclearization. USINDOPACOM’s assessment on North Korean denuclearization is
consistent with the Intelligence Community position. That is, we think it is unlikely that North 
4
Korea will give up all of its nuclear weapons or production capabilities, but seeks to negotiate
partial denuclearization in exchange for U.S. and international concessions.
Following a rapid series of nuclear and missile tests into 2017, tensions declined; North Korea
halted nuclear testing in September 2017 and ICBM testing in November 2017. President
Trump’s meeting with Chairman Kim in Singapore in June 2018 and Vietnam this past February
were significant milestones. While we did not reach an agreement with North Korea, we
exchanged detailed positions, narrowed the gap on a number of issues, and made clear that the
United States still expects final, fully verified denuclearization.
In early 2018, the two Koreas initiated a season of rapprochement, beginning with the Winter
Olympics in February 2018, and continuing through three subsequent Korean summits between
President Moon and Chairman Kim and multiple lower-level meetings. More recently, North
Korea has undertaken measures in accordance with the Comprehensive Military Agreement it
signed with South Korea in September 2018, to include dismantling guard posts within the
demilitarized zone and removing land mines near Panmunjom. North Korea also returned
remains of U.S. service members from the Korean War, which provided great comfort to
mourning families.
I welcome these steps, but we must remain vigilant to the threat North Korea still poses to the
United States and the international community. North Korea has demanded “corresponding
measures” from the United States in return for these above actions. Kim warned in his 2019
New Year’s speech of a potential “new path,” which could indicate an eventual return to missile
and weapons of mass destruction (WMD) testing if he is not satisfied with the pace of
negotiations and potential benefits. Close monitoring of activities at North Korea’s test and
missile facilities remains a top priority. Our military combat readiness and combined lethality
remain the best deterrent and the best leverage against any threat from North Korea.
Sanctions. North Korea is continuing efforts to mitigate the effects of international sanctions
and the U.S.-led pressure campaign through diplomatic engagement, counter pressure against the
sanctions regime, and direct sanctions evasion. USINDOPACOM will continue to support the 
5
President’s pressure campaign by ensuring the military readiness of the combined force and
supporting sanctions enforcement as directed by United Nations Security Council Resolutions
(UNSCR). UNSCR sanctions resulted in a decline in North Korea’s export earnings and cut off
key cash flow sources. However, recent calls from Russia and China to change the sanctions
against North Korea threaten to undo these positive developments.
Additionally, North Korea has a long history of flouting international sanctions, and Pyongyang
regularly attempts to circumvent them. Early in 2018, North Korea exceeded its sanctioned limit
on refined petroleum imports through illicit ship-to-ship transfers. USINDOPACOM is working
with partners and allies to disrupt illicit ship-to-ship transfers that occur primarily in the East
China Sea, often near or in Chinese territorial waters, and in the Yellow Sea. North Korea is also
engaged in cross-border smuggling operations and cyber-enabled theft to generate revenue, while
simultaneously circumventing United Nations Security Council prohibitions on coal exports.
China:
Military Modernization. Over the last 20 years, Beijing has undertaken a massive effort to
grow and modernize the People’s Liberation Army (PLA). The PLA is the principal threat to
U.S. interests, U.S. citizens, and our allies inside the First Island Chain—a term that refers to the
islands that run from northern Japan through Taiwan, the Philippines, and Indonesia—and the
PLA is quickly increasing its ability to project power and influence beyond the First Island
Chain. Beijing pursues both qualitative and quantitative efforts to transform its military,
modernizing its military platforms while simultaneously increasing the number of platforms in
service. Newly-fielded systems include:
? Beijing’s first aircraft carrier group, centered around its refurbished Soviet-built carrier,
reached initial operational capability in mid-2018.
? Beijing’s first domestically-built aircraft carrier, has completed four sets of sea trials since
May 2018 and will likely join the PLA Navy (PLAN) fleet in 2019.
? The RENHAI-class guided missile cruiser, was launched in 2017; three additional vessels
were added to the PLA Navy’s inventory in 2018. This class of vessels will be a key
component of PLA Navy carrier strike groups.
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? The FUYU-class fast combat support ship, developed specifically to support aircraft carrier
task group operations, was commissioned less than a year ago.
? The J-20, the PLA’s first 5th-generation stealth fighter, entered service in February 2018;
plans are underway to research a sixth-generation fighter.
? The Y-20, a domestically-produced heavy-lift aircraft, entered military service in 2016; the
Y-20 has a significantly larger payload capacity and range than the PLA’s previous heavy
and medium-lift aircraft, which advances Beijing’s strategic airlift capability.
? The S-400 advanced surface-to-air missile system, received from Russia in April, 2018; the
S-400 has a 250-mile range, which could expand the PLA’s air coverage over the Taiwan
Strait and other high priority facilities.
The PLA maintains a high operations tempo, primarily in and near China, but is quickly
expanding its operating areas beyond the region. The PLA’s Naval Escort Task Force (NETF)—
now in its 31st iteration—follows its anti-piracy missions off the Horn of Africa by conducting
naval diplomacy deployments to Europe, Africa, and the South Pacific. From May-July 2018,
the 28th NETF completed a three-month naval diplomacy tour conducting port visits and
bilateral exercises in Spain, Nigeria, Ghana, Cameroon, Gabon, South Africa, and Indonesia
before returning to China. Beijing regularly conducts joint military exercises across its ground,
sea, air, and space forces, including amphibious assault training that is designed and specifically
timed to intimidate Taiwan. This spring, approximately10,000 PLA Marines traveled more than
1,200 miles as part of a large-scale exercise designed to improve long-range maneuverability. In
April, Beijing conducted a live-fire exercise into the Taiwan Strait with coastal artillery, and
PLA Air Force (PLAAF) bombers regularly circumnavigate Taiwan.
Beijing continues pursuing next-generation technologies and advanced weapons systems,
including hypersonic glide vehicles, directed energy weapons, electromagnetic railguns, counterspace weapons, and unmanned and artificial intelligence-equipped weapons. The PLA has also
made significant technological, game-changing developments in its ability to defeat, or
drastically reduce, the effectiveness of U.S. sensors and defensive weapons. The PLA has tested
hypersonic missiles since 2014, including the WU-14, with speeds approaching Mach 10. In
August 2018, Beijing claimed to have successfully tested its first hypersonic aircraft. 
7
Beijing is also modernizing and adding new capabilities across its nuclear forces. China’s third
generation Type 096 nuclear-powered Ballistic Missile Submarine (SSBN) will be armed with
JL-3 sea-launched ballistic missiles and will likely begin construction in the early-2020s. In
April, Beijing confirmed the DF-26 entered service—a road-mobile, nuclear, and conventional
capable Intermediate-Range Ballistic Missile (IRBM), expanding Beijing’s near-precision strike
capability as far as the Second Island Chain (a term that refers to the southern part of the
Aleutian Islands, the Commonwealth of Northern Mariana Islands, Guam, the Republic of Palau,
and northern Papua New Guinea). Beijing continues testing its DF-41 road-mobile
Intercontinental Ballistic Missile (ICBM), which carries multiple independently targetable reentry vehicles and has a range of up to 9,300 miles.
South China Sea. Beijing maintains maritime claims in the South China Sea that are contrary to
international law and pose a substantial long-term threat to the rules-based international order.
Beijing ignored the 2016 ruling of an Arbitral Tribunal established under Annex VII of the Law
of the Sea Convention, which concluded that China’s claims to historic rights, or other sovereign
rights or jurisdiction, with respect to the maritime areas of the South China Sea encompassed by
the “nine-dash line” are contrary to UNCLOS and without legal effect. In April 2018, Beijing
continued militarizing outposts by deploying advanced military systems that further enhance the
PLA’s power projection capabilities, including missiles and electronic jammers. These actions
run directly counter to President Xi’s 2015 commitment not to militarize these features. On
multiple occasions, Beijing has landed military transport aircraft on the Spratly Islands and longrange bombers on the Paracel Islands. Additionally, Chinese Coast Guard vessels now fall under
the command of the Central Military Commission and regularly harass and intimidate fishing
vessels from our treaty ally, the Philippines, operating near Scarborough Reef, as well as the
fishing fleets of other regional nations.
East China Sea. Beijing continues using its military forces to advance its territorial claims in
the East China Sea. Beijing maintains a high level of surface combat patrols in the East China
Sea. Additionally, Chinese Coast Guard vessels frequently enter the territorial waters of the
Senkaku Islands, which the United States recognizes as being under Japan’s administrative 
8
control. In 2017, these incursions occurred on an average of once every ten days, and continued
in 2018 at about two per month. Additionally, while Beijing mostly implements United Nations
Security Council Resolutions against North Korea, in a number of cases, illicit ship to ship
transfers continue to occur within Chinese territorial waters.
Economic Pressure. While the United States strives to promote a Free and Open Indo-Pacific,
Beijing is leveraging its economic instrument of power in ways that can undermine the autonomy
of countries across the region. Beijing offers easy money in the short term, but these funds come
with strings attached: unsustainable debt, decreased transparency, restrictions on market
economies, and the potential loss of control of natural resources. Beijing’s actions in this regard
have potential military ramifications as well. Beijing touts its need to safeguard its citizens
abroad and defend its expanding global interests in order to justify increased permanent PLA
overseas basing and presence. Beijing is also exploiting growing debt burdens to access strategic
infrastructure in the region. In December 2017, Sri Lanka handed over control of the newly-built
Hambantota seaport to Beijing with a 99-year lease because Sri Lanka could no longer afford its
debt payments to China.
Over the last year, we have seen that countries across the region are becoming more aware of the
threat Beijing’s economic policies pose. Malaysia announced the cancellation of three projects
worth $22 billion in August 2018, declaring that it could not afford Beijing’s projects, decrying
the corrupt practices associated with the projects, and criticizing the loans as a “new version of
colonialism.” The Maldives’ former president described Beijing’s investments as a “land grab”
under the guise of development. In contrast, the United States’ vision for a Free and Open IndoPacific strives to preserve the autonomy of independent nations in the Indo-Pacific region. We
must continue to support countries that stand up to Beijing’s coercive economic policies
whenever possible and help those countries offset any economic blowback from Beijing. Our
engagement in the Indo-Pacific must truly be a whole-of-government undertaking, in partnership
with the private sector and civil society, to counter China’s economic coercion.
Arctic and Antarctic. Beijing recognizes the growing strategic significance of the Arctic and
Antarctic and has signaled its plans to assert a greater role in these regions. Despite not being an 
9
Arctic nation, Beijing published its first Arctic policy paper in 2018, which defends Beijing’s
role in the region and outlines Beijing’s vision of a “Polar Silk Road” to complement its other
economic initiatives. Beijing launched its first domestically built icebreaking research vessel in
September 2018, and Beijing plans to launch its second in 2019. Beijing also opened bidding for
construction of its first nuclear-powered icebreaker. Beijing wants to boost its polar research and
expedition capabilities and recently announced plans to double the frequency of its Arctic
expeditions to once a year. Beijing has also expressed increasing interest in Antarctic operations
and establishing logistics stations to supply them. This is of increasing concern to our ally
Australia, as well as New Zealand, as Beijing seeks positional advantage and control of territory
and natural resources in these vital regions.
Fentanyl and Pre-Cursors Chemicals. Another challenge that affects the security environment
indirectly is the continuing fentanyl and opioid crisis in the United States. Illicit fentanyl, as well
as legal pre-cursor chemicals used in the production of illegal drugs primarily originate from
China. Moreover, technological advancements in e-commerce and commercial shipping present
a different business model from the traditional methods used by transnational criminal
organizations for drug trafficking. These innovations represent a new level of complexity for
U.S. law enforcement agencies and policymakers alike. I welcome the PRC’s decision to
designate and regulate fentanyl as a controlled substance after President Xi’s meeting with
President Trump in Argentina in December of last year, and we look forward to seeing tangible
progress.
Russia:
Military modernization. Moscow continues to modernize its military forces, viewing military
power as critical to achieving key strategic objectives and global influence. Nuclear weapons
remain an important component of Russia’s power projection and deterrence capabilities, and the
Russian military conducts regular nuclear-capable Tu-95 Bear bomber long-range aviation
flights off the coasts of Japan, Korea, Canada, and Alaska. For the past decade Russian military
planning has emphasized the development of modernized platforms and weapons systems, and
Moscow is pushing these platforms to the Indo-Pacific region. In recent years, the Eastern
Military District has become increasingly important for Russian security interests. Russia has 
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invested in military infrastructure, improved its command-and-control capabilities, deployed
anti-ship missile systems, and modernized its anti-air capabilities in the region. For example,
Russian units in the Eastern Military District expect to take delivery of thirty-seven new vessels
by 2024, which is a major increase compared to the twenty-eight new units received in the region
over the last decade. Moscow recently announced plans to expand its combat forces in the
Eastern Military District and to substantially reinforce the Pacific Fleet. Despite the threat of
U.S. sanctions through the 2017 Countering America’s Adversaries Through Sanctions Act
(CAATSA), Russia continues to export weapons to the Indo-Pacific region.
Furthermore, Russia hosted its largest military exercise since 1981, Exercise VOSTOK 2018,
simulating land, sea, and air operations in the Eastern Military District and mobilizing forces
from across Russia to engage in multiple live-fire missile launches. Of note, Chinese forces
participated in Exercise VOSTOK for the first time. While Beijing’s military cooperation was
largely symbolic, because the forces remained segregated with separate command posts, Vostok
2018 was still a significant first step in forging a closer military partnership.
Japan-Russia Relations. Japan and Russia have a long-standing territorial dispute since the
Second World War over the Northern Territories/Kuril Islands, which are strategically important
for Russia’s access to the Pacific Ocean. Russia has further entrenched itself in this contested
territory by reestablishing an airfield on Matua Island, located in what it calls the central Kuril
Islands, to accommodate light military transport aircraft and helicopters. Russia has also
deployed coastal defense cruise missile systems and SU-35 multirole fighters to the islands and
also announced plans to build a naval base. This more assertive approach to its eastern front
reflects growing focus in Moscow of the vital importance of the broader Indo-Pacific for
Russia’s long-term security. Although Prime Minister Abe and President Putin have met on
several occasions to negotiate a peace treaty that could, in part, resolve this territorial dispute,
they have not reached an agreement. Russia remains concerned that the United States could
establish military facilities under Article VI of the Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and Security in
the Northern Territories if they are returned to Japan
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Violent Extremist Organizations (VEOs):
In the wake of the 2017 siege of the southern Philippine city of Marawi, Philippine security
forces have maintained consistent pressure on Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) networks in
the Philippines, conducting a number of arrests in 2018. Additionally, counterterrorism
operations on the Philippine island of Jolo against ISIS-supporting elements of the Abu Sayyaf
Group succeeded in disrupting kidnap-for-ransom operations. ISIS claimed credit for multiple
small-scale attacks in the Philippines, including a mid-2018 vehicle-borne improvised explosive
device attack at a military checkpoint in the southern Philippines. Outside of the Philippines, we
saw a number of small-scale attacks in 2018, and I remain concerned about the growth of ISIS in
the region. Over 1,000 foreign terrorist fighters have traveled to Iraq and Syria from the IndoPacific region, and at least 170 have returned. We expect the number of returnees to increase
with the persistent loss of ISIS-held territory. ISIS’ Amaq News claimed responsibility for a
series of mid-May 2018 bombings against churches and a police headquarters in Surabaya,
Indonesia. Other countries across the region remain concerned about the potential for
disenfranchised and vulnerable populations to become recruitment targets. Self-radicalized
violent extremists who are influenced or inspired by ISIS or other extremists are another cause
for concern. The recent attack on a local Catholic parish in Jolo in the Sulu Archipelago is
evidence of continued concern.
Natural and Man-made Disasters:
The Indo-Pacific remains the most disaster-prone region in the world. It contains 75% of the
earth’s volcanoes and 90% of earthquakes occur in the “Ring of Fire” surrounding the Pacific
Basin. Since 2008 the Indo-Pacific has lost half a million lives and suffered over $500 million in
damages, with over one and a half billion people affected by natural and manmade disasters
overall. The UN estimates that economic losses in the region due to disasters could exceed $160
billion annually by 2030. Many countries across the region lack sufficient capability and
capacity to manage natural and man-made disasters.
A key element of USINDOPACOM’s engagement strategy in the region is building capacity
with our allies, partners, and friends to improve their resilience and capability to conduct their
own humanitarian assistance and disaster relief (HA/DR). 
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USINDOPACOM directly supports HA/DR efforts across the region, as well. In July 2018, we
sent special operations forces to help the international effort to rescue twelve Thai boys and their
coach from a flooded cave. USINDOPACOM also assisted relief efforts in Sulawesi, Indonesia
last year with sixty-four personnel and three C-130 aircraft after an earthquake and tsunami hit
the country. Another recent example of USINDOPACOM’s support ended just last month after
the Super Typhoon Yutu hit Tinian and Saipan. USINDOPACOM responded quickly by
providing joint forces, equipment, and fresh drinking water, and by building temporary shelters
and assisting with clearing debris from roads and homes.
USINDOPACOM’s Security Role in the Indo-Pacific
The most important security development in the Indo-Pacific has been the rapid modernization
of the PLA. The scope and scale of that modernization has caused USINDOPACOM’s relative
competitive military advantage to erode in recent years. With the 2018 National Defense
Strategy as a guide, USINDOPACOM is focused on regaining our competitive military
advantage and ensuring a Free and Open Indo-Pacific over the short- and long-term.
My strategy centers around fielding and sustaining a force capable of combat-credible deterrence
that is postured for two distinct security roles: to win before fighting and, if necessary, be ready
to fight and win.
Ready to Fight and Win. USINDOPACOM’s ability to prevail in armed conflict is the
foundation of combat credible deterrence. By fielding and maintaining a joint force ready to
fight and win, USINDOPACOM reduces the likelihood that any adversary will resort to military
aggression to challenge or undermine the rules-based international order.
Win Before Fighting. Deterrence is necessary to prevent conflict, but deterrence alone cannot
ensure a Free and Open Indo-Pacific. Our adversaries are pursuing their objectives in the space
between peace and war, using fear and coercive actions across the instruments of national power
to revise the rules-based international order and without resorting to armed conflict. Alongside
like-minded allies and partners, USINDOPACOM must compete in the “gray zone” between 
13
peace and war. These deliberate actions will ensure a Free and Open Indo-Pacific against those
malign actors that seek to accomplish their political objectives short of armed conflict.
USINDOPACOM Focus Areas
Given the challenges in the region, ensuring a Free and Open Indo-Pacific requires that
USINDOPACOM remain ready to execute high-end/high-tech wartime missions on short notice.
USINDOPACOM must be postured to achieve a more advantageous security environment
without the lethal use of military force. The following four focus areas guide the command's
efforts toward meeting both of the aforementioned security roles:
? Focus Area 1. Increase joint force lethality. We must continue to develop and field
capabilities necessary to deter aggression and prevail in armed conflict should
deterrence fail.
? Focus Area 2. Enhance our design and posture. We will adapt from our historic
service-centric focus on Northeast Asia only to a more integrated joint force blueprint
that is informed by the changing threat environment and challenges of the 21st century
across the entire Indo-Pacific region.
? Focus Area 3. Exercise, experiment, innovate. Targeted innovation and
experimentation will evolve the joint force while developing asymmetric capability to
counter adversary capabilities.
? Focus Area 4. Strengthen our allies and partners. Through increased
interoperability, information-sharing, and expanded access across the region, we will
present a compatible and interoperable coalition to our adversaries in crisis and armed
conflict.
Focus Area 1: Increase Joint Force Lethality
Over the last two decades, adversaries have rapidly closed the gap in many of the areas that used
to be clear asymmetric advantages for the United States, encroaching upon USINDOPACOM’s
ability to deter conflict or prevail in armed conflict should deterrence fail. Our adversaries are
fielding advanced Anti-Access Area Denial (A2AD) systems, advanced aircraft, ships, space,
and cyber capabilities that threaten the U.S. ability to project power and influence into the
region. Increasing joint force lethality means developing and fielding systems and capabilities to 
14
preserve our key asymmetric advantages in order to prevent any potential adversary from
thinking it can achieve its political or military objectives through armed conflict. Increasing our
joint force lethality means joint and combined interoperability, an integrated fires network that
enables long-range strike, and advanced missile defense systems capable of detecting, tracking,
and engaging advanced air, cruise, ballistic, and hypersonic threats from all azimuths. In short,
we must be able to defend our forces and project power so that no adversary can achieve
sustained dominance in the Indo-Pacific and threaten our key allies and partners.
Air Superiority. The United States cannot assume that it will have air superiority in the IndoPacific. For over fifteen years, the predominant employment of United States armed forces has
been in the ongoing fight against terrorism in Syria, Iraq, and Afghanistan where our ability to
dominate in the air domain was unchallenged. In contrast, the U.S. faces peer competitors in the
Indo-Pacific. Beijing has invested heavily in systems that challenge the United States’ ability to
achieve air superiority. The U.S. government must continue to pursue multi-domain capabilities
to counter anti-air capabilities and we continue to prioritize 5th generation fighter capabilities to
the Indo-Pacific.
Undersea Warfare. The United States must maintain its advantage in undersea warfare—an
asymmetric advantage that our adversaries are focused on eroding. There are four-hundred
foreign submarines in the world, of which roughly 75% reside in the Indo-Pacific region. Onehundred and sixty of these submarines belong to China, Russia, and North Korea. While these
three countries increase their capacity, the United States retires attack submarines (SSNs) faster
than they are replaced. USINDOPACOM must maintain its asymmetric advantage in undersea
warfare capability, which includes not just attack submarines, but also munitions and other antisubmarine warfare systems such as the P-8 Poseidon and ship-borne anti-submarine systems.
Potential adversary submarine activity has tripled from 2008 levels, which requires at least a
corresponding increase on the part of the United States to maintain superiority.
Intelligence, Surveillance, and Reconnaissance. The Indo-Pacific’s dynamic security
environment requires persistent and intrusive Intelligence, Surveillance, and Reconnaissance
(ISR) to provide indications, warning, and situational awareness across over half the world. 
15
USINDOPACOM supports a re-allocation of DoD ISR assets to better satisfy intelligence needs
in line with National Defense Strategy-priorities. USINDOPACOM relies on a mix of Airborne
ISR (AISR) assets to provide a dedicated and flexible ISR capability across the entire region.
USINDOPACOM supports efforts to re-capitalize critical AISR capabilities and the continued
development of future ISR platforms, such as the MQ-4C Triton, as well as our interoperable
Processing, Exploitation, and Dissemination architectures.
Space. Space is a vital strategic domain. U.S. adversaries are militarizing space;
USINDOPACOM must have access to resilient and defensible space systems that can operate in
a contested environment. USINDOPACOM relies on space-based assets for satellite
communications (SATCOM), ISR, missile warning, and Positioning, Navigation, Timing (PNT)
capabilities, which support missions across the range of military operations. The command’s
vast geographic expanse increases the strain on USINDOPACOM’s requirements and our
reliance on low-density space-based assets that are in high-demand.
As Beijing’s and Moscow’s military modernization continues, they are pursuing broad and
robust counter-space capabilities. While not as advanced, North Korea remains a threat through
its employment of SATCOM and PNT jammers. The threat to the electromagnetic spectrum
continues as our adversaries develop means to deny our space-enabled capabilities. As Space
Command (SPACECOM) transitions responsibilities from United States Strategic Command
(STRATCOM) into the future Space Force, USINDOPACOM looks forward to continued
collaboration in this critical domain as we work to further integrate space-based capabilities into
our daily operations and contingency planning.
Cyber. USINDOPACOM is heavily reliant on cyber capabilities and faces increasing threats in
the cyber domain from both state and non-state actors, such as Beijing, Moscow, Pyongyang, and
criminal actors. The United States must ensure it has a robust and capable cyber force with all
required equipment and a common network operational structure necessary to ensure command
and control. Moreover, USINDOPACOM requires an agile and defensible mission command
network infrastructure to ensure adequate command and control, and enable interoperability with 
16
our allies and partners to fully leverage our combined capacities. Furthermore, the DoD must
prevent and, if necessary, respond to cyber-attacks against non-military critical infrastructure in
both homeland defense and in support of civil authorities.
The U.S. military’s offensive cyber capabilities provide additional tools to leverage as part of
multi-domain operations to compete and win, but these tools must become more responsive to
the operational requirements of the combatant commands. The growth in these offensive
capabilities is not limited to equipment – we need talent and innovation. The development and
retention of personnel with subject-matter expertise is a critical component for our nation’s
success.
My staff coordinates extensively with USCYBERCOM to integrate effective offensive,
defensive, and network operations into my multi-domain plans and operations. Our staffs
collaborate daily on current operations through our respective operations centers, at least weekly
on future operations planning, and at least quarterly on future capability requirements.
Multi-Domain and Distributed Operations. As adversary military forces grow in both
quantity and quality, USINDOPACOM must integrate operations in all domains to be successful
in the 21st century. The Multi-Domain and Distributed Operations concepts of the services
incorporate the capabilities of the physical domains and place greater emphasis on space,
cyberspace, and other contested areas including the electromagnetic spectrum, the information
environment, and the cognitive dimension of warfare. Multi-Domain and Distributed Operations
allow U.S. forces to outmaneuver adversaries physically and cognitively, advancing the 20th
century concept of combined arms into the 21st century’s requirement to operate across all
domains, at all times.
I fully support all services and functional commands efforts to operationalize Multi-Domain and
Distributed Operations concepts. In 2018, USINDOPACOM successfully demonstrated MultiDomain and Distributed Operations capabilities in major exercises while also integrating new
technologies and approaches across the joint force. In the years ahead, USINDOPACOM will 
17
progress from experimentation to validation of concepts, culminating in an overall increase in the
lethality of the joint force.
Advanced Munitions. Developing and fielding advanced munitions is a critical component to
increasing joint force lethality. The following are some of the more pressing munitions upgrades
based on the challenges we face in the region:
? Improvements to Missile Defense – Patriot Missile Segment Enhanced (MSE), Terminal
High Altitude Area Defense (THAAD) upgrades, and other capabilities to defend against
maneuvering and hypersonic missiles.
? Innovations in heavy weight torpedo technology provide force-multiplying effects that
currently do not exist, including long range in-port or at-sea attack and shallow water
covert mine laying.
? The immediate resourcing and integration of ATACMS system and/or the Kongsberg
Naval Strike Missile with HIMARS/MLRS to support Army and United States Marine
Corps (USMC) units conducting Multi-Domain Operations and sea control missions.
? Continued investments in Hard Target Munitions (HTM). There is a significant increase in
the number of hard and deeply buried targets in the theater requiring HTM.
? Hypersonic long-range strike (H-LRS) – these emerging weapons dramatically improve
probability of engaging time sensitive targets and have increased survivability and thus
higher probability of success.
? Effective counters to the expanding asymmetric unmanned aerial system (UAS) threat
including potential for multiple swarms of small UAS.
Focus Area 2: Enhance Design and Posture
To effectively defend U.S. interests, USINDOPACOM must update its existing design and
posture to compete with our adversaries across the entire Indo-Pacific. At present,
USINDOPACOM forces west of the International Date Line are focused in Northeast Asia – an
historical legacy of the Second World War and Korean War. We must update our design and
posture to preserve strength in this key region, but also ensure that the United States is ready to
compete and win before fighting across all of the Indo-Pacific. By recalibrating theater posture 
18
to balance capabilities across South Asia, Southeast Asia, and Oceania, USINDOPACOM will
be able to respond to aggression more effectively throughout the Indo-Pacific.
Similarly, the USINDOPACOM Joint Logistics Enterprise must be capable of supporting joint
warfighting requirements across the entire theater in a more dynamic and distributed posture.
Posture and pre-positioning are essential to overcome the region’s tyranny of distance. Ship
sailing times are upwards of ten days from the U.S. west coast, and it takes significant lead-time
to reposition strategic airlift and tanker support to enable major force flow.
The speed of war has changed, and the nature of these changes makes the global security
environment even more unpredictable. It’s dangerous and unforgiving. Time and decision space
have collapsed, so our approach to warfare must adapt to keep pace; with the speed and multiple
avenues that our adversaries are able to pursue. We require a force posture that enables the
United States to undertake a spectrum of missions. These missions include: capacity building
for partners that face internal and external vulnerabilities, cooperation on transnational threats,
and joint and combined training. Our enhancements to interoperability make for more effective
coalitions in crisis.
USINDOPACOM will “regain the advantage” by positioning theater infrastructure that supports:
? Expeditionary capability that is agile and resilient.
? Dynamic basing for our maritime and air forces.
? Special operations forces capable of irregular and unconventional warfare.
? Anti-submarine warfare capabilities unmatched by any adversary.
? Land forces equipped with weapons systems that hold an adversary’s air, sea, and land
forces at risk.
? Cyber and space teams integrated into Multi-Domain and Distributed Operations.
? Unique intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance capabilities.
Global Force Management (GFM) and Posture. The Indo-Pacific is a theater that requires
short response timelines across a vast region. Regional threats require U.S. forces to maintain a
high level of readiness to respond rapidly to crises. USINDOPACOM’s readiness is evaluated 
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against its ability to execute operational and contingency plans. The plans place a premium on
ready and immediately responsive forces that can exercise, train, and operate with our partner
nations’ militaries. Forward-stationed forces west of the International Date Line decrease
response times, bolster the confidence of allies and partners, and reduce the chance of
miscalculation by potential adversaries. Contingency response times require that I have the
essential conventional and strategic forces assigned to USINDOPACOM.
In line with the National Defense Strategy, USINDOPACOM prioritizes stationing and
deployment of 5th generation aircraft in the Indo-Pacific. Additionally, the United States has
deployed some of our newest and most advanced aviation platforms to the region, such as the P8 Poseidon, RQ-4 Global Hawk, MV-22 Osprey, EA-18G Growler, E-2D Hawkeye, and C-130J
Super Hercules.
In addition to forward stationed forces, the ability of the United States to surge, rotate, and
globally maneuver ready forces is an asymmetric advantage that must be maintained. The high
operational demands, delayed maintenance, training pipeline shortfalls, and shortage of ready
surge forces limit USINDOPACOM’s responsiveness to emergent contingencies and greatly
increases risk. The challenges grow each year as our forces continue to deploy at unprecedented
rates while the DoD grapples with fiscal uncertainty.
Integrated Air and Missile Defense. USINDOPACOM faces unique Integrated Air and
Missile Defense (IAMD) challenges in the Indo-Pacific to protect our forces and allies. Hawaii,
Guam, and our Pacific Territories are part of our homeland and must be defended. Hawaii is
currently protected from North Korean Intercontinental Ballistic Missiles (ICBMs) by the
Ground-Based Midcourse Defense System. This system includes Ground-Based Interceptors in
Alaska and California; ground, sea, and space-based sensors; and redundant command, control,
and communications systems.
For the defense of Hawaii, the planned Homeland Defense Radar Hawaii (HDRH) will improve
U.S. capabilities. A Notice of Intent to Prepare an Environmental Impact Statement was
released in June 2018, and the radar is projected to be operational by late 2023. The HDRH will 
20
provide an enhanced ballistic missile sensing and discrimination capability in the Indo-Pacific,
and it increases the capability of the Ground-Based Midcourse Defense System to defend
Hawaii.
Meanwhile, our adversaries continue to improve their capabilities in ways that challenge the
United States’ strategic, operational, and tactical freedom of movement and maneuver. Beijing
and Moscow continue to develop and field advanced counter-intervention technologies, which
include highly maneuverable reentry vehicle and warheads (hypersonic weapons). Beijing and
Russia possess cruise missiles and small-unmanned aerial systems (sUAS) that fly different
trajectories, making them hard to detect, acquire, track, and intercept due to unpredictable lowflight profiles and sophisticated countermeasures. North Korea retains its nuclear and ICBM
capabilities.
USINDOPACOM’s IAMD priority is to establish a persistent, credible, and sustainable ballistic
missile defense by forward deploying the latest missile defense technologies to the Indo-Pacific.
Through forward and persistent presence, these active missile defense capabilities would help
mitigate the risk to missile threats faced in the region and to the homeland. USINDOPACOM
addresses this IAMD priority in the following ways:
? USINDOPACOM works with the DoD, Missile Defense Agency, the services, academic
institutions, and industry to deploy capabilities that counter the advanced missile threats
in the region.
? USINDOPACOM maintains an active Terminal High Altitude Area Defense (THAAD)
battery on Guam to protect U.S. citizens and strategic military capabilities from North
Korean intermediate-range ballistic missiles (KN-17 and MUSUDAN).
? USINDOPACOM employs additional radars across the theater supporting homeland and
regional missile defense, as well as continued testing of the Ballistic Missile Defense
System (BMDS).
? In 2017, USINDOPACOM and USFK, with support from the MDA and the DoD,
deployed a THAAD battery to the Korean Peninsula that is fully operational. The MDA
and the services deliver improved BMDS capability to the Korean Peninsula, including 
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integration of existing Ballistic Missile Defense (BMD) assets to improve engagement
options and coverage area.
? The U.S. Navy completed its forward deployment of the USS MILIUS from San Diego,
CA to Yokosuka, Japan in Spring 2018. This port shift provides the U.S. Seventh Fleet
improved capability to support the U.S.-Japan Alliance.
? USINDOPACOM continues working with Japan, South Korea, and Australia toward
creating a fully-integrated BMD architecture that addresses the increasing cruise missile
threat.
? USINDOPACOM supports MDA and the services to develop and test emerging missile
and counter-small UAS defense capabilities through modeling and simulation, as well as
live-fire testing conducted at the Pacific Missile Range Facility, the Ronald Reagan Test
Center at Kwajalein Island, Point Mugu, and other testing ranges located in the
continental United States and Alaska.
I support all efforts that improve the capability and capacity of ballistic missile, cruise missile,
and UAS defense technologies to further enhance homeland defense capabilities and protect key
regional locations. The development of a credible and effective defense against advanced and
future missile and UAS threats remains vital to our operational plans and critical to the continued
defense of the United States.
Logistics and Supply. Driven by budgetary pressure, our logistics system has become a more
efficient business process, and a less effective warfighting function over the last 20 years.
Efficiency has come at the cost of increased vulnerability and decreased redundancy. While this
arrangement is sufficient for peacetime operations, it is insufficient for combat. Congress’ IndoPacific Stability Initiative could significantly help reverse the current trend toward a less resilient
Joint Logistics Enterprise in the Pacific.
As adversary capabilities improve, joint operations will increasingly rely on distributed supply
chains in order to fight and win against a peer adversary. The joint logistics enterprise must be
postured with the right capability and capacity at the right locations in order to effectively
support multi-domain and distributed operations. This means developing infrastructure at both 
22
enduring and contingency operating locations; identifying and sourcing transportation,
distribution, and maintenance requirements; and developing the processes to enable logistics
decisions at the speed of war. USINDOPACOM is critically dependent on tactical airlift and sea
lift capacity, which expands options for force design and maneuver. Increased tactical airlift and
sealift capacity further increase survivability as it becomes more difficult for an adversary to
counter a highly maneuverable joint force. These tactical lift assets play just as important a role
as strategic lift assets in ensuring our ability to create a resilient and agile logistics network.
Significant and sustained investment in munitions is needed to reduce risk to current and future
strategic readiness. Services must fund and continue investment in munitions research and
development, while setting relatively steady requirements to maintain a healthy production
capability for current and new munitions. I appreciate Congress’ action to enhance munitions
funding in FY2018 and FY2019, but shortfalls remain. USINDOPACOM’s top priorities for
increased procurement are Long Range Anti-Ship Missiles, SM-6, MK-48 torpedoes, AIM-9X,
BGM-109 Block IV (Maritime Strike Tomahawk), and AIM-120D. The Services must also
upgrade storage facilities and reassess prepositioning based on the new security environment.
Fuel supply agility and resilience are central to our success in being competitive, responsive, and
lethal. The changing threat environment, energy security risks, and adversarial geopolitical and
economic influences are driving longer supply lines, necessitating a flexible resupply chain and
more resilient, agile, and interoperable petroleum distribution capabilities. Continued investment
in next generation petroleum distribution systems is required to mitigate sustainment risk in
austere, contested, and denied environments. Access and positioning of fuel remains a key pillar
of our logistics posture and is vital to USINDOPACOM's ability to ensure operational freedom
of maneuver throughout the theater.
Focus Area 3: Exercise, Experimentation, and Innovation
Our exercise, experimentation and innovation program is key to maintaining readiness while also
developing and integrating new capabilities and concepts. This program also highlights our
capabilities and capacity to deter competitors while simultaneously reassuring allies, partners,
and friends. 
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Pacific Multi-Domain Training and Experimentation Capability (PMTEC) Initiative.
USINDOPACOM’s Joint Exercise Program has traditionally monitored the operational and
warfighting readiness of assigned theater and partner nation forces for crises, contingency
operations, and HA/DR. Exercises have advanced key objectives including strengthening
regional alliances and partnerships, while deepening interoperability through combined training.
The current Joint Exercise Program has been useful for enhancing the readiness of
USINDOPACOM’s assigned forward deployed forces; I am now looking to move to the next
level of integration.
Scarce resources have reinforced the need to integrate all major test and training ranges in the
Pacific region through a Pacific Multi-Domain Training and Experimentation Capability
(PMTEC) initiative. This USINDOPACOM initiative combines the existing Air Force Joint
Pacific Alaska Range Complex (JPARC), the Navy’s Pacific Missile Range Facility (PMRF) and
the Army’s Pohakuloa Training Area (PTA) in Hawaii, the Delamere Air Weapons Range in
Northern Australia, and the Marine Corps’ future Commonwealth of Northern Mariana Islands
(CNMI) Joint Military Training (CJMT) range into a fully networked and integrated training
constellation that supports joint, combined, multi-domain training. PMTEC will also ensure
USINDOPACOM has the ability to prioritize training, readiness, and experimentation to achieve
a more integrated and lethal joint force that can both deter and when necessary, fight and win.
As the next layer of integration, PMTEC will also link test-ranges (e.g., the Ronald Reagan Test
Site at Kwajalein) to enable experimentation with developing technologies to create new, more
effective, joint operating concepts that will ensure future warfighting success.
The PMTEC initiative also integrates cyber and space capabilities to enable joint and combined
experimentation and testing that is truly multi-domain. Currently, many of these ranges restrict
operations to just air and land capabilities or just air, land, and maritime capabilities. As a result,
our forces often have to simulate or provide exercise injects that replicate space and cyber
effects. We are working to fully incorporate space and cyber into our exercises.
Experimentation and Innovation. USINDOPACOM relies on innovation and experimentation,
underpinned by strong partnerships, to address our capability gaps in the region. This includes 
24
testing and integrating new technologies, developing new capabilities, and exploring new
concepts of operation and employment. USINDOPACOM makes extensive use of OSD's Joint
Capability Technology Demonstration, Coalition Warfare Program, and other rapid prototyping
programs to focus cutting edge technology-based capabilities and innovation to enhance our
readiness.
Innovation is crucial to increasing logistics agility and resilience. USINDOPACOM will
continue utilizing the Joint Capability Technology Demonstration program to identify
technological solutions to our critical logistics capability gaps. To facilitate greater resilience,
USINDOPACOM will protect and harden our critical logistics infrastructure, information
systems, and enablers. For example, USINDOPACOM is developing the capability to rapidly
repair damage to critical seaports and airfields.
As part of our innovation and experimentation efforts, USINDOPACOM maintains robust
engagement with a variety of partners to identify, promote, and incorporate research and
development to address key capability gaps. USINDOPACOM has worked with some of the
best DoD industry partners on advancing man and machine teaming, artificial intelligence,
machine-learning, hypersonic technology, autonomy, command and control, and block chain
technology. USINDOPACOM benefits from engineers, operations analysts, and theaterexperienced operators from Federally Funded Research and Development Center (FFRDC) and
University Affiliated Research Center (UARC) partners. These partners perform robust military
utility assessments of emerging technology in the context of theater plans. The ability to harness
the knowledge and experience of the individuals from these organizations is vital to advancing
key capabilities for targeting, cyberspace operations, undersea warfare, electronic warfare, and
ISR.
Focus Area 4: Strengthen Allies and Partners:
The United States’ network of allies and partners is our principal advantage against any
adversary. USINDOPACOM depends upon the collective capabilities of our allies and partners
to address the challenges to a Free and Open Indo-Pacific. The most obvious point—one made
abundantly clear in the National Security Strategy—is that whatever we do, we must do it with 
25
our allies and partners. The keys to our bilateral and multilateral relationships are
communication, information-sharing, and interoperability.
Agile Communications. Agile communications are crucial—not only for our readiness, but for
our relationships in the region. USINDOPACOM works with allies and partners in order to
enhance our interoperability throughout the Indo-Pacific region. Currently, USINDOPACOM is
not fully postured with the latest technology to operate in cyberspace with dynamic multiplepartner combinations in all phases of military operations. Furthermore, our nation is still
developing the communication capacity and sharable encryption capability necessary to support
most modern warfighting platforms and weapon systems with our allies and partners. Although
USINDOPACOM does not have formal agreements for exchanging information with many of
the nations or organizations within the region, there is continued progress. The recently
concluded Communications, Compatibility, and Security Agreement (COMCASA) with India is
a step in the right direction. COMCASA is a bilateral agreement that allows the Indian military
to procure U.S. cryptological equipment to enable secure voice and data exchange for enhanced
interoperability. There will be similar efforts undertaken with others in the Indo-Pacific. As we
continue to improve our agility in coalition information-sharing environments, our future
capabilities will allow ally and partner forces alongside of our forces to adequately respond to
natural disasters and contingencies. We will have agile, secure, dynamic information technology
capabilities to support the full spectrum of military operations with our partners and allies in
order to enhance interoperability.
Security Cooperation and Capacity Building. Security cooperation and capacity-building
engagements in the region help build ally and partner capabilities, information-sharing, and
interoperability. Addressing maritime security and maritime domain awareness challenges
remains a key priority for nations across the region. The 2019 National Defense Authorization
Act extended the FY16 NDAA Section 1263 “Southeast Asia Maritime Security Initiative
(MSI)” for another five years (FY21 through FY25), and expanded MSI to encompass portions
of South Asia. The MSI authority, along with other DoD authorities such as the Title 10 Section
333 Global Train and Equip, and Department of State authorities such as Foreign Military
Financing (FMF) and International Military Education and Training (IMET), in addition to the 
26
new Asia Reassurance Initiative Act, represent weighty tools available for building partner
readiness, reducing capability gaps, and building capacity. The Department of State’s one-time
reprogramming of $290.5 million of FMF to the Indo-Pacific in 2018 is a clear effort to assist
our region, for which USINDOPACOM is grateful.
Addressing the Indo-Pacific Together:
Enhancing Partnerships with our Allies and Partners
The Indo-Pacific is one of the largest and most diverse regions on earth. These differences are
our strength, and the thousands of miles of ocean and sky between us do not divide us, they are
the connective elements that bind us together. As I look at the depth and breadth of the IndoPacific, I see opportunities in each of the regions to advance our shared values in ensuring a Free
and Open Indo-Pacific. Throughout the Indo-Pacific, the most effective way to address the
challenges I have described is through collective action of multiple nations.
The security landscape mirrors the diversity of the Indo-Pacific. In Northeast Asia, the security
environment where our strong alliances with Japan and South Korea dominate, I am focused on
the immediate threat presented by North Korea and the long-term threat posed by Beijing’s and
Moscow’s aggressive policies. In Southeast Asia, I am focused on working with our allies,
Thailand and the Philippines, and our strong partners, Singapore and Vietnam, to strengthen
ASEAN, expand multilateralism, and improve their combined capacity to stand up to the malign
influence of state and non-state actors, especially in the South China Sea. In South Asia, I am
focused on expanding cooperation with the world’s largest democracy, India, and working with
all South Asia countries to increase air and maritime domain awareness across the Indian Ocean.
Finally, in Oceania, I am encouraged by the opportunities to partner with our strong allies,
Australia and France, and strong friend, New Zealand, to improve information sharing and
maritime cooperation as the Pacific Island Countries address the challenges associated with
Illegal, Unreported, and Unregulated (IUU) fishing, natural disasters, narcotics trafficking, and
economic coercion from Beijing. 
27
Northeast Asia. The command’s goal is to stabilize Northeast Asia and leverage our strong
alliances with Japan and South Korea to improve stability across the broader Indo-Pacific. In
order to achieve this, USINDOPACOM needs a security environment that is secure from
coercion from Pyongyang, Beijing, and Moscow. As the region becomes more stable, we will
encourage Japan and South Korea to take a greater role in the alliances related to their own
security and contribute to security in the broader Indo-Pacific region.
Japan. The U.S.-Japan alliance is the cornerstone of our efforts to ensure a Free and Open IndoPacific. The Government of Japan released its own Free and Open Indo-Pacific Strategy in
2017, and Japan is looking to become more involved across the broader Indo-Pacific region.
Additionally, Japan is a key supporter of UNSCR enforcement operations and hosts the
Enforcement Coordination Cell (ECC) in Yokosuka, Japan. Tokyo intends to procure high-tech
U.S. platforms that will increase interoperability, including F-35A, E-2D Hawkeye, Global
Hawk UAS, MV-22, and Advanced Electronic Guides Interceptor System (AEGIS) Ashore.
Furthermore, Japan’s 2018 National Defense Program Guidelines (NDPG) call for strengthening
the U.S.-Japan alliance, and expanding their international security cooperation with like-minded
partners in the region. They also prioritize advancements in Japan’s space, cyberspace, and
electro-magnetic capabilities.
USINDOPACOM and Japan’s Self Defense Force have transformed the way military alliances
plan and campaign together. Our approaches for a Free and Open Indo-Pacific are synchronized
in our national policies and defense strategies, and communication mechanisms exist at every
level of our governments to ensure we are synchronized on key issues. The U.S.-Japan alliance
is committed to supporting countries that respect and adhere to the rule-of-law, and our alliance
seeks to enable opportunities for economic prosperity throughout the region.
South Korea. The U.S.-South Korea alliance remains ironclad, and we are both committed to
the final, fully verified denuclearization of North Korea. South Korea is also a key supporter of
UNSCR Enforcement activities against North Korea. USINDOPACOM works closely with
Seoul in obtaining capabilities required under the Conditions-based Operational Control
Transition Plan (COTP) – the ongoing plan to transfer Combined Forces Command (CFC) to 
28
South Korean leadership. Seoul has future procurement plans for the P-8, advanced munitions,
upgrades to PAC-3 missiles, and F-16 fighters. All these assets will increase interoperability
with the United States.
Taiwan. In accordance with our One China Policy, based on the Taiwan Relations Act and three
U.S.-China Joint Communiques, the United States and Taipei maintain a substantive and robust
unofficial relationship with Taiwan based on the Taiwan Relations Act (TRA). Taiwan's values
reflect our own—it features an open economy with a free and democratic society that respects
human rights and the rule of law. The United States opposes any unilateral change to the status
quo in the Taiwan Strait. The United States continues to support the peaceful resolution of
cross-Strait issues in a manner, scope, and pace acceptable to the people on both sides.
USINDOPACOM's engagement focuses on improving joint interoperability within Taiwan's
military, improving Taiwan training and readiness, and supporting Taiwan's military and
professional development.
Beijing is pushing across the globe to diplomatically isolate and economically constrain Taiwan.
Taiwan has only seventeen diplomatic partners left after losing El Salvador, Burkina Faso, and
the Dominican Republic as diplomatic partners in 2018. Beijing continues to press the
international community and private businesses to remove or modify any references to Taiwan
on websites and publications and is attempting to deny Taiwan’s participation in international
fora.
As evidenced in President Xi Jinping’s New Year’s speech, China is focused on achieving
reunification as a part of the PRC’s national plan of rejuvenation by “reserving the option of
taking all necessary measures and not renouncing the use of force.” We continue to be
concerned with China's military buildup across the Strait, Beijing’s opaqueness about its military
capability and capacity, and its unwillingness to preclude the use of force to resolve the crossstrait issue. The United States has a deep and abiding interest in peace and stability in the
Taiwan Strait and welcomes steps by both sides to reduce tensions and improve cross-Strait
relations. President Xi’s solution of a one country, two systems approach to reunification does
not reflect the wishes of both sides. We hope that there will be continued high-level 
29
communications and interactions going forward through which both sides can continue their
constructive dialogue on the basis of dignity and respect. Although President Tsai and her party,
the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), have committed to “avoid confrontation and prevent
surprises” with China, the cross-Strait situation is of increasing concern given the harsh rhetoric
from Beijing toward the leadership in Taipei.
Taiwan recently passed its 2019 defense budget, which will fund foreign and indigenous
acquisition programs as well as near-term training and readiness. Consistent with the TRA,
USINDOPACOM engages with the Taiwan military to enable Taiwan to maintain a sufficient
self-defense capability that is credible, resilient, and cost-effective.
Mongolia. Mongolia is a strong partner and contributor to the United States’ regional and global
policy objectives. Mongolia supports missions in Afghanistan and United Nations Peace
Keeping Operations, making Mongolia a model for emerging democratic countries that want to
be more active globally. Ulaanbaatar’s “Third Neighbor Policy” intends to balance Russian and
Chinese influence by developing relationships with the United States and other like-minded
countries. USINDOPACOM and Mongolia have had inaugural land forces talks, developed a
five-year security cooperation plan, and laid the groundwork for Airman-to-Airman Talks. The
United States is helping Mongolia improve their special operations forces, peacekeeping
operations, and Air Forces.
 
Southeast Asia. USINDOPACOM’s objective in Southeast Asia is to strengthen the subregion’s ability to deny adversaries’ attempts to dominate or disrupt the gateway between the
Pacific and Indian Oceans, while enabling the region to promote their sovereign interests, resist
economic pressure from others, and preserve conditions for continued economic growth.
USINDOPACOM is setting conditions in the security environment that support this goal, which
ensures that all nations can freely access shared domains. Adversary militaries will be unable to
dominate the global commons that enable trade and the global economy. The command’s efforts
will improve the region’s awareness and capability to enforce their borders, territorial waters,
and exclusive economic zones. USINDOPACOM will advocate for multilateral venues like the
Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) to advance collaboration, settle disputes 
30
equitably, and strengthen resolve against the malign influence of state and non-state actors. We
are very grateful to Congress for its continued support for the $425 million Maritime Security
Initiative for Southeast Asia which enables Thailand, Philippines, Vietnam, Malaysia, and India
to increase their capability and capacity in continued maritime domain awareness over the next
five years.
ASEAN. The United States and ASEAN share the common principles of a rules-based
international order, respect for international law, and the peaceful resolution of disputes. The ten
ASEAN member states, under the chairmanship of Singapore in 2018 and Thailand in 2019,
continue to seek ways to improve multilateral security engagements and advance stability in the
Indo-Pacific. USINDOPACOM is committed to strengthening regional institutions such as
ASEAN, the ASEAN Defense Ministers’ Meeting-Plus, and the ASEAN Regional Forum.
USINDOPACOM participates in ASEAN exercises, key leader engagements, and multilateral
cooperation on a number of shared transnational challenges, and will host an ASEAN-U.S.
Maritime Exercise in 2019. USINDOPACOM co-chairs the ASEAN Defense Ministers’
Meeting-Plus Experts’ Working Group on Humanitarian Assistance and Disaster Relief with
Malaysia through the end of 2019. USINDOPACOM’s engagements with ASEAN, and with the
respective ASEAN member states, build and strengthen relationships, and convey the United
States’ steadfast commitment to the region.
Cambodia. USINDOPACOM reduced the number of engagements with Cambodia. During
these limited engagements the command reaffirms the importance of strengthening democratic
institutions and maintaining an independent foreign policy. The United States and other
countries in the region are concerned about the possible construction by a Chinese state-owned
enterprise of a facility in Cambodia. USINDOPACOM appreciates the statements by the Prime
Minister noting that foreign military facilities are prohibited under their constitution. However,
the command remains concerned about the possible militarization of Cambodia's coast including
the prepositioning of military equipment, the stationing of military units on long term rotations,
and the construction of dual use facilities.
31
Indonesia. This year, the United States and Indonesia celebrate our 70th anniversary of bilateral
relations, which provides an opportunity to highlight our growing strategic relationship.
USINDOPACOM is committed to a strategic partnership with Indonesia. Indonesia's strategic
location, its status as the third largest democracy, fourth most populous country, and its
expanding economy all underscore its essential role in the regional security architecture.
Indonesia is the largest recipient of U.S. training and education programs in the region. We
continue to support the Indonesian military’s focus on external threats and national defense,
particularly maritime domain awareness and maritime security.
Laos. After decades of stagnation in the U.S.-Lao relationship following the Vietnam War, we
have seen some significant advancements over the last two years. In 2016, the United States and
the Lao People’s Democratic Republic signed a Comprehensive Partnership that resulted in a
surge of bilateral military engagements. The command’s engagement goals are to partner and
assist Laos in becoming a stable, prosperous, and independent member of ASEAN that is willing
and able to promote its sovereign interests and respect international law. These engagements
focus around unexploded ordnance (UXO) clearance, POW/MIA recovery, and military
medicine. Laos actively supports the Defense Personnel Accounting Agency (DPAA) in the
search for 290 missing U.S. service members with an aim to honorably conclude war legacy
issues (UXO and POW/MIA recovery missions) by 2030. USINDOPACOM is expanding
engagements with the Lao military.
Malaysia. Malaysia remains a critical partner of increasing importance in the region ever since
the United States elevated the relationship to a Comprehensive Partnership in 2014.
USINDOPACOM is exploring expanded collaboration in the areas of maritime security,
counterterrorism, information-sharing, and defense institutional reform. Malaysian Armed
Forces have demonstrated the professionalism, capacity, and resolve to contribute to regional
security, and we continue to evolve our defense relationship on mutual areas of interest.
Philippines. The Philippines is a treaty ally and a partner in preserving a Free and Open IndoPacific and our military-to-military relationship has never been stronger. USINDOPACOM has
increased the number and scope of exercises in recent years, to include the resumption of live-
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fire exercises. Terrorism continues to pose a security challenge in the Philippines, and
USINDOPACOM is committed to helping the Philippines ensure that the southern Philippines
does not become a safe-haven for terrorists that would threaten the entire region. I am also
focused on helping to develop the territorial defense capability of the Armed Forces Philippines
(AFP) and look forward to re-engaging with the Philippines National Police Maritime Group to
continue improving their ability to protect their sovereign interests.
Singapore. Singapore remains a steadfast security cooperation partner in Southeast Asia with a
strong commitment to promoting a Free and Open Indo-Pacific. Though not a formal ally,
Singapore provides valuable access to the strategically-located entrance of the Malacca Straits
and South China Sea. Singapore supports a strong U.S. presence in the region as well as a deep
and broad defense relationship between our two countries. Singapore supports our objectives on
North Korea, and in 2018, Singapore hosted the historic U.S.-North Korea summit between
President Trump and Chairman Kim Jong Un. Singapore also hosted the transit and rotational
deployment of more than 1,500 U.S. military aircraft and vessels (2015-2018), making the
United States the heaviest foreign user of Singapore’s facilities at Sembawang Port, Paya Lebar
Air Base, and Changi Naval Base. Singapore maintains training facilities at Luke Air Force
Base (AFB), Arizona (F-16); Mountain Home AFB, Idaho (F-15SG); Marana, Arizona (Apache
AH-64D); and Fort Sill, Oklahoma (High Mobility Artillery Rocket System (HIMARS).
Moreover, USINDOPACOM and Singapore steadily increased interoperability through
increasingly complex exercises, and we continue to strengthen cooperation in counterterrorism
and maritime security. Singapore annually sends 1000 students to training and education courses
in the United States, representing the largest training presence in the United States from any
foreign military.
Thailand. Last year marked 200 years of friendly U.S.-Thai relations, and Thailand remains a
key ally and security partner. In 2019, I am focused on advancing our alliance and restoring
elements of our military-to-military relationship following the restoration of a democratic
government after elections in March. Thai facilities provide vital training opportunities for
USINDOPACOM personnel, and logistical nodes that are essential to operate throughout the 
33
Indo-Pacific region. Thailand assumed the chairmanship of ASEAN in 2019 and continues to
play a vital leadership role in the Indo-Pacific region.
Vietnam. Vietnam has emerged as a key partner in promoting a secure and rules-based
international order in the Indo-Pacific region. USINDOPACOM’s defense partnership with the
Vietnamese military is among the strongest aspects of our growing bilateral relationship. As a
symbol of closer ties between the United States and Vietnam, the aircraft carrier USS CARL
VINSON made a port call in March 2018 to Vietnam, the first of its kind since the end of the war
in 1975. Vietnam shares many of the United States’ principles on issues such as international
rule of law and freedom of navigation, and Vietnam is one of the loudest voices on South China
Sea disputes. USINDOPACOM’s and the Vietnamese military’s military-to-military
engagements prioritize enhancing Vietnam’s maritime capacity, which will be bolstered by
Vietnam’s acquisition of Scan Eagle UAVs, T-6 trainer aircraft, and a second U.S. Coast Guard
cutter. I look forward to Vietnam assuming the ASEAN Chairmanship in 2020 and increasing its
leadership across the region.
Burma (Myanmar). Ongoing human rights abuses, including growing restrictions on freedom
of expression, including for members of the press, and atrocities [including ethnic cleansing],
and instability in some ethnic minority areas comprise threats to Burma's democratic transition.
Due to credible information of serious human rights violations and abuses, especially in relation
to Rohingya, as well as restrictions that remain in place based on decades of military rule, U.S.-
Burma security cooperation is minimal. The U.S.-Burma security relationship is limited to
lower-level engagements at select regional security events and conferences, and participation in
multilateral exercises focused on HA/DR. Burma military personnel are not attending academic
exchanges, including at the region’s DoD academic institute, despite the importance of engaging
the next generation of officers.
South Asia. USINDOPACOM’s goal in South Asia is to create and seize opportunities to
broaden critical partnerships to ensure shared domains remain open to all. In conjunction with
India’s contributions to regional security, these actions will prevent adversaries from establishing
an effective military presence in the Indian Ocean that threaten the security of vital commerce 
34
and continued economic growth and development. As a result, the regional states will be able to
reduce internal conflicts, respond to regional security challenges, and resist adversaries’ military
and economic coercion.
India. The U.S.-India strategic partnership continues to advance at an historic pace as we
continue to increase our interoperability and information-sharing capabilities. The inaugural 2+2
Ministerial and signing of the COMCASA in 2018 were pivotal moments in our relationship.
USINDOPACOM expects this trajectory to continue and that 2019 will be a significant year in
bilateral relations. The United States and India are natural partners on a range of political,
economic, and security issues. With a mutual desire for global stability, support for the rulesbased international order, and a Free-and-Open Indo-Pacific region, the United States and India
have an increased agreement on interests, including maritime security and maritime domain
awareness, counter-piracy, counterterrorism, humanitarian assistance, and coordinated responses
to natural disasters and transnational threats. Over the past year, the United States and Indian
militaries participated in five major exercises, executed more than fifty other military exchanges,
and further operationalized the 2016 Logistics Exchange Memorandum of Agreement
(LEMOA). The LEMOA enables the U.S. Navy to replenish supplies from Indian navy logistics
platforms. USINDOPACOM is working with the Indian military to operationalize the
COMCASA, which will boost interoperability between our militaries. Defense sales are at an
all-time high, with India operating U.S. sourced platforms such as P-8s, C-130Js, C-17s, AH-64s,
CH-47s, and M777 howitzers. Additionally, India recently agreed to a $2.1-billion purchase of
MH-60R multi-role sea-based helicopters and is considering a number of additional U.S. systems
for purchase. USINDOPACOM fully supports the purchase of U.S. systems, F-16 and F/A-18E
aircraft, a reorder of 12-15 P-8Is, and a potential purchase of Sea Guardian UASs.
Bangladesh. Bangladesh is an important security partner with strong potential to enhance
regional stability and advance U.S. interests in South Asia on counter-terrorism, Muslim
outreach, countering violent extremism, supporting humanitarian assistance and disaster relief,
and supporting United Nations Peacekeeping Operations (UNPKO). The humanitarian crisis
caused by the presence of more than 700,000 Rohingya refugees from Burma (Myanmar) in
Bangladesh has strained the Government of Bangladesh. Bangladesh’s December 30 elections 
35
point to concerning trend of consolidation of power by the ruling Awami League and raise fears
that PM Hasina is aiming to achieve a de facto one-party state. Military-to-military engagement
with Bangladesh fits into a broader strategy and commitment to uphold an international, rulesbased order in the vital Indo-Pacific region and contributes to building a regional security
framework.
Sri Lanka. Sri Lanka remains a significant strategic opportunity in the Indian Ocean, and our
military-to-military relationship continues to strengthen. However, political turmoil and ethnic
tension between the Tamil and Sinhalese populations remain drivers of instability and potential
obstacles to continued growth in our partnership. Moreover, Sri Lanka has handed over the deep
water port of Hambantota to China on a 99-year lease due to its mounting debts to China, which
has caused international concern. Despite the political upheaval, it is in our interests to continue
military collaboration and cooperation with Sri Lankan Forces. USINDOPACOM cooperation
with the Sri Lankan Military centers on building capacity in maritime security and maritime
domain awareness, humanitarian assistance and disaster relief as well as humanitarian demining, medical assistance, and peacekeeping operations. Increasing navy-to-navy engagement
with Sri Lanka will be a USINDOPACOM focus in 2019. The Sri Lankan Navy is a well-trained
and professional force with the potential to contribute to multi-lateral maritime interoperability in
the Indian Ocean. The recent transfer of an excess U.S. Coast Guard cutter to Sri Lanka in
August 2018, along with additional platforms from Japan and India, provide the Sri Lankan
Navy greater capabilities to contribute to regional maritime domain awareness initiatives. Going
forward, it is necessary to sustain engagement with Sri Lanka, particularly the navy, and
construct a multi-lateral approach to capacity building with like-minded partners to rapidly
enhance the Sri Lankan Navy’s capabilities.
Oceania. USINDOPACOM is deepening engagement with the Pacific Island Countries (PICs)
of Oceania to preserve a Free and Open Indo-Pacific region, and we are committed to
strengthening the region’s future security and prosperity with our partners and allies. In close
coordination with Australia, Japan, France, and New Zealand, USINDOPACOM is working to
strengthen the resilience of the PICs by tackling common challenges: drug trafficking; Illegal, 
36
Unreported, Unregulated (IUU) fishing; the existential threat of rising ocean levels; natural
disasters; and the heavy debt burdens that threaten their sovereign interests.
Australia. Our alliance with Australia underpins our relations across Oceania, and Canberra
plays a leading role in regional security and capacity-building efforts for a Free and Open IndoPacific. Australia is increasing its diplomatic presence, military and economic assistance, and
infrastructure investments in Fiji, Papua New Guinea, and the other PICs to enhance security in
the region. Australia is a key supporter of UNSCR enforcement operations against North Korea
as well. The U.S. Marine Corps completed its sixth successful Marine Rotational Force-Darwin
deployment, and we expect to reach the full authorized strength of 2,500 Marines later this year.
These deployments maintain significant combat power west of the International Date Line with
an ally. Moreover, Australia is procuring high-tech U.S. platforms, such as the F-35, that will
increase interoperability.
Compact of Free Association (COFA) States. The Republic of Palau, Federated States of
Micronesia (FSM), and the Republic of the Marshall Islands (RMI), collectively referred to as
the “Compact” states, are threatened by external pressures including the pernicious use of
Beijing’s economic leverage. The Republic of Palau, FSM, and RMI entered into a Compact of
Free Association (COFA) with the United States more than 25 years ago, allowing the United
States to foreclose access or use of those countries by third-country militaries. Under the
COFAs, the Compact States receive economic assistance, including grants, access to various
U.S. federal programs, and for many citizens of the Compact States, visa-free travel to the
United States. U.S. contributions to the trust funds established by the COFA are scheduled to
end after 2023. Moreover, these island nations are under increasing pressure from Beijing’s
economic strategy. Additionally, the changing climate represents an existential threat to these
nations as they urgently seek to mitigate damage from higher tides and rising sea levels, shifting
patterns of fishing populations essential to economic livelihood, and greater intensity of natural
disasters such as tropical storms and droughts. The continued support that the COFA has
engendered also benefits the United States. We provide support to these countries and they
support the United States. The patriotic citizens of these nations join the U.S. armed forces in
larger numbers per capita than most U.S. states, and I value their service. The Compact states
37
rely on continued support from the United States to mitigate these threats and the United States
would like to continue to benefit from the good will of these Pacific Island Countries to further
our strategic interests in Indo-Pacific region.
Fiji. USINDOPACOM’s relationship with the Republic of Fiji is thriving and robust, and we
were pleased to see a credible election process there in 2018. Australia’s decision to invest in the
Black Rock International Peacekeeping Center was welcomed, and will ensure that Fiji continues
to play an important role in peacekeeping missions around the world. USINDOPACOM is
postured to provide engineering support for improvements and new construction to the Ground
Forces Training Center and to assist Australian engineers with the Black Rock International
Peacekeeping Center. In 2018, Fiji signed a U.S. ship-rider agreement, opening up new
opportunities for maritime security cooperation between our two countries. Additionally, the
establishment of Fiji as a partner in the National Guard’s State Partnership Program opens up
another door for our two militaries to train and work together. The $5 million plus-up in foreign
military sales (FMS) allows USINDOPACOM to deepen our military relationship with the Fijian
military.
France. France, a NATO ally with significant territory in the Indo-Pacific, is increasing its
operational activities in the region and is a key contributor to the multilateral efforts. The United
States, Japan, Australia, New Zealand, and France coordinate operational support and capacitybuilding with the PICs. The primary operational engagement provides support to the Forum
Fisheries Agency to address IUU fishing. France is also becoming increasingly active across the
broader Indo-Pacific region, and I welcome both French support to UNSCR sanction
enforcement activities against North Korea, and increased French activity in the South China
Sea.
New Zealand. New Zealand remains a steadfast and key partner who, in 2018, increased
investment, foreign assistance, and infrastructure support to the South Pacific.
USINDOPACOM greatly appreciates this commitment of additional resources to the PICs. For
the last six years, the United States and New Zealand, through bilateral defense dialogues, have
increased interoperability collaboration headlined in 2018 by New Zealand’s purchase of P-8 
38
Poseidon maritime patrol aircraft to replace aging P-3 Orion aircraft. Additionally, New Zealand
has provided key support to UNSCR sanctions enforcement against North Korea.
Papua New Guinea (PNG). USINDOPACOM’s engagement with PNG improves regional
posture and demonstrates the U.S. commitment to the region. With security support from
Australia and the United States, PNG hosted the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC)
summit in 2018. During APEC, Vice President Pence announced that Australia and the United
States would partner with Papua New Guinea to develop the Lombrum Naval Base on Manus
Island in the northern part of PNG. USINDOPACOM looks forward to assisting Australia and
PNG in developing options for this base.
Additional Allies
Canada. Like the United States, Canada is a member of NATO and a Pacific nation. Canadian
policy in the Indo-Pacific focuses on cooperation and building partnerships as they increase
operational activities in the region. By focusing on consistent engagement with all willing
parties, Canada hopes to deepen its relationship with Australia, New Zealand, and the United
States. Canada wants to provide a continued presence in the Pacific to enhance regional
stability, specifically citing tensions on the Korean Peninsula in their National Defence Policy.
Ottawa provides support to ongoing North Korea UNSCR sanctions enforcement as well.
United Kingdom (UK). The UK, another NATO ally, remains one of the strongest defenders of
a Free and Open Indo-Pacific, and sees prosperity and security in the Indo-Pacific as an essential
driver of global economic growth. The UK recently established three new diplomatic posts in
the Pacific and increased foreign aid to the Pacific by 6% in 2018. The recently concluded
cooperative deployment with the HMS Argyll and USS McCampbell in the South China Sea
highlights the value of multinational operations and, more importantly, the international message
to those who seek to infringe on the ability to fly, sail, and operate wherever international law
allows.
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Conclusion
In the 21st century, U.S. security and prosperity will increasingly depend upon a peaceful and
stable Indo-Pacific region—one that features respect for states’ sovereignty, freedom of the seas
and skies, and adherence to international norms, rules, and behavior. In short, it is in our vital
national interests to ensure a Free and Open Indo-Pacific over the short- and long-term. As the
Commander of USINDOPACOM, my focus is first and foremost on preserving and advancing
the security and stability of the region, over the short- and long-term.
I will ensure the 375,000 men and women of USINDOPACOM remain ready to fight and win, if
necessary, while also focusing on competing and winning below the level of armed conflict. It is
in this so-called “gray zone” between peace and war where many of our adversaries currently
operate, and we must be equally prepared to compete with our adversaries before and after the
initiation of hostilities. To do this, we need a comprehensive approach across multiple U.S.
governmental departments, and partnerships with civil society and the private sector, to engage
in areas that transcend traditional military core competencies. Our armed services must be
manned, trained, and equipped to overcome the full spectrum of challenges presented by state
and non-state actors. With the continued support of Congress, and together with our allies and
partners, I believe we will be successful at this important mission.
 
 
27 MARCH 2019

27 MARCH 2019

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