Indian External Affairs Minister (EAM) Subrahmanyam Jaishankar recently visited Nepal to co-chair the Nepal-India Joint Commission meeting with his Nepali counterpart Pradeep Kumar Gyawali. These periodic meetings are held to revitalize the bilateral relationship and review the progress of bilateral projects.
 
India is Nepal’s biggest development partner and has undertaken major projects there. Both delegations discussed the entire gamut of bilateral relations, including connectivity, economic partnership, trade and transit, power and water resources, food safety and inundation at the border areas. They also agreed to an early conclusion of the review of treaties and agreements related to trade and transit. The Indian delegation handed over two cheques worth Nepali Rs 3.74 billion for projects related to post earthquake reconstruction and infrastructure development.
 
After swinging between several highs and lows in recent years, both countries have felt the need to strengthen the bilateral relationship and redevelop mutual trust. Kathmandu is keenly waiting to see how Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi will tackle relations with Nepal during his second term. The surprise appointment of Jaishankar as EAM was received with caution and apprehension by Nepalis. His image suffered a serious blow in Nepal because of his perceived role as foreign secretary during the promulgation of Nepal’s Constitution in September 2015 and subsequent economic blockade. His body language during the visit looked far from being at ease, compared to what it was during his visit to Bangladesh a day earlier.
 
One of the most controversial issues between Nepal and India has been revision of the 1950 Treaty of Peace and Friendship. Nepal’s stance has been that it is outdated and a new treaty needs to be put in place to define current bilateral relations that recognize the true essence of sovereign equality. Although the Joint Commission meeting discussed the issue, India has never given it priority. Similarly, submission of the Eminent Persons Group (EPG) report on Nepal-India relations also came up during the meeting. The Indian delegation reiterated the same rhetoric that it would be submitted to Modi at an “appropriate” time. Although the joint report was prepared a year ago, its fate hangs in the balance due to Indian apathy. Many in Nepal now believe it will never see the light of day.
 
Modi has repeatedly emphasized his “neighbourhood first” policy. Ideally, Nepal should come at the top of his priorities, considering the deep geographical, historical and cultural linkages between the two countries since antiquity. However, there is a clear sense that something is missing in the present relationship between the Indian and Nepali governments. Both governments should work to develop harmony and trust and mitigate the trust deficit, without which bilateral relations cannot blossom. New Delhi and Kathmandu should clearly spell out their expectations from one another. To begin with, Modi should analyze the EPG report. It appears that bureaucratization and securitization of India’s foreign policy vis-à-vis Nepal is barring him from accepting the EPG report. Instead of lingering, the Indian government should clearly state if it has any reservations over any recommendations in the report.
 
Jaishankar met a host of Nepali leaders, including President Bidya Devi Bhandari and Prime Minister K. P. Sharma Oli, details of which were not disclosed. His visit also managed to create a controversy in Nepal’s domestic politics. Former Prime Ministers Pushpa Kamal Dahal ‘Prachanda’ and Madhav Kumar Nepal declined to meet him citing protocol reasons as he had invited them to meet him at his hotel rather than calling upon them. Former Prime Ministers Sher Bahadur Deuba and Dr. Baburam Bhattarai were more than glad to rush to his hotel to meet him, without standing on protocol.
 
The Kashmir issue did not come up officially during the visit, but Jaishankar must have touched upon the issue during his one-on-one with Oli. Before coming to Nepal, he was able to convince Bangladesh to issue a statement that described the abrogation of Article 370 of India’s Constitution as an internal matter of India. Therefore, it can be fairly assumed that he had expected Nepal to do the same, but that did not happen.
 
Nepal’s foreign policy is guided by the principles of Panchsheel and non-alignment. Therefore, Nepal’s approach to the whole issue has been not to speak specifically on the internal politics of India while at the same time urging both India and Pakistan to exercise maximum restraint and resolve the Kashmir issue bilaterally.
 
After Jaishankar left Nepal, Pakistani Foreign Minister Shah Mahmood Qureshi telephoned Gyawali to seek Nepal’s support over the Kashmir issue. Gyawali urged for a settlement of disputes through peaceful means. As a small state, Nepal wishes to see a peaceful and stable South Asia and does not want to get entangled in rivalry among big powers. As the current chair of the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC), Nepal can urge both countries to de-escalate tensions which can flare up any moment resulting in devastating consequences for the whole region. Sadly, Nepal’s role as the chair of SAARC has been meek at best, as it has not been able to play a proactive role.
 
India is swiftly moving ahead and aiming to become one of the biggest economies in the world. Nepal should try to seek benefit from India’s development and increase the level of engagement so that it can take benefit from Modi’s neighbourhood first policy. India should also show more clarity on its Nepal policy. The Bilateral relationship between the two countries can be taken to a next level only when both countries understand the sensitivities and sentiments of each other and work towards nurturing the same.
 
(The author is a Kathmandu-based writer and analyst of international relations. He can be contacted at gaurabthapa@gmail.com)