Bangladesh has survived partition, the liberation war, famine, floods, military coups, and democratic collapse. It has always returned. But returning is not the same as resolving. Fifty-six years after independence, the founding paradox remains: a nation whose birth is still debated cannot fully inhabit its future. The gun salutes will be loud and unambiguous. The questions they echo, however, about what Bangladesh is, who founded it, and whose vision should guide it, remain, as they have always been
For India, this raises complex challenges. Historically, India has positioned itself as a strong advocate of anti-colonialism and sovereignty. However, in the current context, its responses have often appeared measured and cautious, despite the direct implications for its interests—ranging from energy security and regional stability to strategic initiatives such as connectivity through Iran.
For India, the failure is particularly significant as its presidency was an opportunity to translate “strategic autonomy”, the current buzzword in foreign policy circles, into multilateral leadership. True, its response is shaped by structural constraints. The country imports more than 85% of its crude oil, much of it from West Asia and Russia. Some nine million of its citizens live in the Gulf. The United States is its largest trading partner. Iran anchors the Chabahar port project and India’s access to Afghanistan and Central Asia. Each relationship is too consequential to risk.
A key consideration for Delhi is Bhutan’s occasional denial or downplay of any Chinese encroachment on its territory, even when satellite data suggests otherwise. This is coupled with a growing perception within Bhutan that India is preventing it from completing its border negotiations with China. Although Thimphu remains closely aligned with Delhi, there is growing interest in expanding its engagement with China.
Apart from these conspiracy theories, one fact is apparent: Digital platforms, particularly those owned by Facebook and Twitter (X), are playing a drastic role in launching, organizing and supporting socio-political movements and revolutions in South Asia where these developing countries, already marked by high-debt dependency, poverty, unemployment, poor governance, corruption, and illiteracy, are heavily reliant on international INGOs, NGOs, foreign aid, funds, and loans.
In June 2025, Sri Lanka’s DFCC Bank broke new ground as the first foreign corporation to list a green bond on India’s NSE International Exchange in GIFT City. The $8 million bond financed solar energy projects aligned with Sri Lanka’s 2030 renewables target. By securing a dual listing in Luxembourg and aligning with ICMA’s Green Bond Principles, DFCC broadened its international investor appeal and demonstrated how green finance can support debt stressed economies.
The game must be allowed allowed to find a way to restore its dignity and balance on the ground.Not only is there a need to check the unregulated commercialization but there is a need for the introduction of regulations that give bowlers a fair chance, have sporting pitches, and fair future tour programs that preserve Test cricket’s relevance.
Changing this dynamic involves rebalancing domestic narratives. In India, presenting Pakistan less as an existential threat and more as a troubled neighbour could lessen the political costs of engagement. In Pakistan, reducing the military's dominance over India policy would open space for pragmatic dialogue.
The events in Nepal and Bangladesh serve as stark warnings: the US Deep State and its Islamist partners are actively destabilizing South Asia, targeting democracies and turning vulnerable nations into vassal states. Nepal narrowly avoided disaster thanks to the courage and foresight of its army, while Bangladesh remains trapped in a jihadist nightmare.
New Delhi should not view cricket ties as appeasement but as investment in peace. By embracing cricket diplomacy, India can show moral leadership, protect its strategic interests and give millions of fans across South Asia a reason to dream of friendship rather than enmity. The ongoing Asia Cup is a good start in that direction. A few handshakes could have made it an even better start.
For India, the situation will remain volatile, as it shares a thousand-mile open border with Nepal permitting free movement of people. The coup in Nepal came as a surprise to India and Indian intelligence agencies, just like the coups in Sri Lanka and Bangladesh
Muhammad Yunus may bask in the applause of Western elites, but within Bangladesh his regime is a study in failure: illegitimate, incompetent, and dangerous. Nepal, with its army’s timely intervention and youth’s surprising maturity, showed that chaos need not consume a nation. Bangladesh, under Yunus, has shown the opposite: how a nation can betray its own future when it allows passion without perspective to rule the day.
We are well on our way to sealing the ozone hole. But let us ensure that in doing so, we do not ignore the new fissures opening at our feet. The work of healing our planet is never complete—it simply evolves.Let our legacy be that we were wise enough to see the whole board, not just the move we just made. The ozone hole is being sealed, but the deal is not done. The lesson is not over. The action must continue—even in celebration.
For the Indian government, the interim Karki administration offers a valuable interlocutor who understands both the cultural and strategic sensitivities of bilateral relations. Supporting her government’s limited but crucial agenda aligns with New Delhi’s interest in maintaining regional stability, securing cross-border trade, and containing potential Chinese inroads into Nepal’s political and economic life.
The Pokhara International Airport has become emblematic of systemic failure. A 2025 parliamentary investigation uncovered Rs14 billion (USD 105 million) in corruption and irregularities, including fake payments, unauthorized tax waivers for the Chinese contractor, and disbursements for incomplete infrastructure. Yet, senior officials remain largely untouchable—even ministers accused of human trafficking.
After the overthrow of governments in the South Asian countries of Sri Lanka and Bangladesh, the Nepalese crisis has consequences not just for the nation of 30 million people, but for the whole region, rooted in the country’s own turbulent political history and its legacy of attempting to balance ties between India, China and Pakistan.
Nepal, one of the world’s poorest countries, struggles with the South Asian region’s lowest per capita income and an unemployment rate approaching 13 percent, according to official estimates.
Many in the Global South as well as key South Asian allies—including Nepal and Sri Lanka—are closely observing India’s approach towards macroeconomic stability. How India moves forward in the months and years to come will signal whether it emerges as a resilient regional rule-shaper or a reactive follower in the evolving financial system.
Much of Washington’s tough posture stems from India’s reluctance to deepen its role in the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (Quad). During his October 2024 visit to Tokyo, Jaishankar rejected Japanese Foreign Minister Shigeru Ishiba’s proposal for an “Asian NATO,” reaffirming India’s non-aligned stance. This slowed efforts to create a NATO-style architecture in the Indian Ocean, frustrating Washington.
