The question, therefore, is not whether Bangladesh could have secured a particular agreement simply by attending. There is no guarantee that participation in a summit automatically produces investment or diplomatic breakthroughs. The question is whether Bangladesh benefited by being absent.
For China to achieve its hegemonic ambitions in Asia, weakening democracies is essential. India, therefore, stands as an iron wall against illiberal encroachments, positioning itself as both a regional hegemon and a defender of democratic order.
The Mecca Pact, barely a month old, has already been discredited. Its authenticity is in question, its efficacy doubtful. The very notion of an “Islamic Nato” has been exposed as a mirage. Collective defence requires not just declarations but capabilities, coordination and political will. None of these are evident in the pact’s functioning.
A more sensible and balanced engagement with India might help Bangladesh maintain its national interests while boosting its competitiveness in the region as it moves into the post-LDC transition period. A bilateral visit should happen soon to address Bangladesh's food, fertiliser and fuel shortages.
The real change, then, is not merely that Chinese media sounded friendlier towards India. It is that they assigned India a different place in the story. New Delhi appeared as a complex but consequential partner, whose strategic autonomy and cooperation matter to China's imagining of a changing world order.
Pakistan, for its part, will have to recognise that the old assumption of an immutable treaty operating independently of the broader India-Pakistan relationship has become untenable. Islamabad cannot expect the water relationship to remain insulated indefinitely from terrorism
Hopes for Sino-Indian relations centre on a cautious diplomatic thaw, institutionalised border stability and renewed high-level engagement. Indian negotiators and defence planners are well aware that “trust must be verified”. While the activation of these eight points provides valuable channels to prevent an accidental kinetic clash on the ground, the real test of China’s sincerity will not be the joint statements signed in Beijing, but whether it ceases infrastructure build-ups and respects the historical patrolling rights of Indian troops along the LAC.
By removing the ‘Indo’ prefix from Indo-Pacific the US implicitly acknowledges that it no longer unilaterally defines the eastern strategic landscape. Regional organisations like BRICS continue to redefine the lexicon of ‘rules-based order’ to insulate themselves from western domination.
The bilateral discussion between Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Chinese President Xi Jinping on the sidelines of the 18th BRICS Summit indicates surge in mutual ties, particularly by way of trade. However, little can be expected by way of full settlement of the boundary dispute.
The timing of the EU announcement coincided with the BRICS+ Summit in New Delhi, creating speculation about whether the EU was seeking to reinforce its strategic engagement with India amid the growing influence of the BRICS grouping.
Abbottabad itself is symbolic. Just 30 miles north of Islamabad, along the historic Karakoram Highway, it is home to Pakistan’s premier military academy. For bin Laden to live there undetected is not simply a mystery—it is a reminder of the uncomfortable realities of counterterrorism
Amid strategic challenges from Beijing in Bangladesh, New Delhi cannot separate border management with foreign policy. New Delhi should hold high-level dialogue with Dhaka and develop a cooperative roadmap to facilitate the identification and repatriation of undocumented migrants from India.
The visit therefore should not be viewed simply as another bilateral defence engagement. It represents an attempt by New Delhi to institutionalise India's security relationship with Sri Lanka, while simultaneously reassuring Colombo that India's expanding security interests need not threaten Sri Lankan sovereignty.
Belgium views India as an opportunity to reduce its economic dependence on China and limit vulnerability to developments in the United States. India offers scale, growth, industrial capacity and ambition, while Belgium offers technology, specialised expertise, logistics and access to the European market.
India has its own legacy of maternal peacebuilding, from Jijabai to the Meira Paibi. What we lack is the language to celebrate and institutionalize these contributions. Recognizing mothers as peacebuilders is not just a cultural insight; it is a practical necessity for societies striving for harmony.
The numerical divide between the two camps is widening significantly, in favour of the West. The Artemis Accords added 19 nations in 2024, and 7 in 2025; and has already added 12 signatories in 2026 so far. By contrast, the ILRS has expanded at a much slower, tightly controlled pace. It counts 13 sovereign nations as members.
The timing of the present diplomatic initiative is also noteworthy. Ajit Doval’s visit to Beijing comes ahead of the BRICS Summit in New Delhi and could create space for political direction at the highest level, including a possible meeting between Prime Minister Narendra Modi and President Xi Jinping.
This is the futility that must be highlighted. India's moral voice is heard politely but it does not stop missiles. The declaration itself is telling - it condemns strikes on Iran, but contains zero mention of Russia's war, because Moscow would veto it. In summary, Nonalignment 2.0 can inhibit the SCO from becoming anti-West or a China-led grouping but it cannot make Russia end a war Moscow intends to win.
This raises an interesting question: what if Russia, India and China were to substantially deepen their strategic cooperation? Such cooperation, supported by other BRICS members and partners, could create a formidable economic and geopolitical grouping.
