The current war has exposed Bangladesh’s structural vulnerabilities: dependence on imported energy, fragile reserves, and narrow fiscal space. For the new government, the stakes are clear—stabilize fuel and food supplies now while building resilience through diversified energy, broader exports, and stronger social protection. Wars in the Gulf may be fought thousands of miles away, but their economic shockwaves reach Bangladesh within days. In the end, the crisis will be felt in three simple pressures shaping everyday life: oil prices, food costs, and migrant jobs.
This crisis did not emerge overnight. It is a product of neglecting the foundational capacity to invest in human capital, where Pakistan hardly puts less than 2% of its national GDP on human capital factors. Meanwhile, the regional peers like Bangladesh and India invest more in education and health, and Pakistan is still trapped in a cycle of short-term fiscal thinking, political instability, and elite capture that is systematically hollowing out the nation’s potential to rise and grow.
In 2026, the “strategic autonomy” that we so often discuss must evolve from a defensive crouch to a balanced offensive infrastructure play. India’s success will be measured by its ability to convince the Trump administration that a stable, digitally-sovereign BRICS is actually a better trade partner than a chaotic, bankrupt one.
Yunus created a suffocating atmosphere in Bangladesh by pushing the country towards the fate of a Caliphate, threatening the nation’s Bengali soul. Simultaneously, he weaponized the ICT and turned it into an instrument of targeting Sheikh Hasina by appointing Jamaat-e-Islami leaders into key positions in it. As a result, Hasina was handed death penalty in two cases, while she faces hundreds of murder charges—most of which were lodged by the activists of Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) and Jamaat.
Taken together - the staged abduction drama, Zakir Naik’s planned visit, and Zaheer’s clandestine movements - paint a deeply disturbing picture of Bangladesh’s current trajectory. Since the 2024 coup, Islamist influence has expanded alarmingly under the interim regime of Muhammad Yunus, creating fertile ground for extremist ideologies to spread under official tolerance.
India and Pakistan are both interested in establishing influence over Afghanistan. In pursuing control, both adopt a zero-sum approach. India fears that Pakistan’s influence in Afghanistan could create safe havens for anti-India elements such as Lashkar-e-Taiba and Jaish-e-Mohammad. Pakistan fears that India’s presence in Afghanistan could lead to its encirclement and threaten security along its northwestern borders.
Internationally, leading medical institutions such as the Mayo Clinic, Harvard Medical School, and the National Center for Complementary and Integrative Health (NCCIH) in the United States have recognized Integrative Medicine as a legitimate, evidence-informed discipline. They are conducting research, developing protocols, and training healthcare professionals in the art and science of integration.
Bangladesh is not immune to the regional trend of rising religious and political extremism after a dramatic regime change. Credible security analyses warn that, with recent upheavals, hardline groups are reconfiguring networks and testing gaps in the state’s capacity to respond. To weaken the armed forces and other disciplined services is to invite those groups to exploit the vacuum.
This moral dissonance is far from a Bangladeshi anomaly - it echoes across South Asia. From India to Pakistan to Sri Lanka, the lines between desire, dominance, and digital depravity are blurring faster than ever.
Pakistan's transition from imminent default in 2023 to stability in 2025 exemplifies a remarkable macroeconomic reversal in South Asia. In contrast to Sri Lanka, which is mired in post-default restructuring, and Bangladesh, which is experiencing export stagnation, Pakistan's synchronized budgetary discipline and IMF-supported reforms have started to produce concrete outcomes
If there is a doctrine emerging from this moment, it is one of managed interdependence. India’s 25 percent import cap is not just a regulatory rule; it’s a political philosophy. It enshrines diversification as a matter of national security, insulating the economy from both volatility and coercion. No single country — whether Russia, Saudi Arabia, or the United States — should have the leverage to weaponize energy against India.
Yet, no matter how effectively India strengthens its regional partnerships, the enduring challenge of Pakistan and rising Chinese influence cannot be overlooked. Geopolitical churn may reshape alignments, but Islamabad’s propensity for misadventures continues to demand vigilance, alongside engaging in backchannel diplomacy.
Demographic data show South Asia’s working-age population rose from 66.7% (2019) to 67.9% (2024), while the share in high-income countries fell from 65.6% to 64.7%. South Asia’s vast diaspora can further strengthen the region by leveraging knowledge networks, remittances, and investment flows.⁸
New Delhi recently received an official delegation from the Taliban government, led by Afghanistan’s Acting Foreign Minister — the first such visit since the formation of the Islamic Emirate in 2021
If trade tensions intensify, they could unravel years of progress in regional connectivity and energy integration. The same border that once symbolized shared progress could become a faultline of friction. Safeguarding these gains requires renewed dialogue, predictability, and partnership. Trade must be the foundation, not the faultline, of the Dhaka–Delhi relationship.
The movements in Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, and Nepal are a powerful reminder that South Asia's political landscape is being reshaped. A new generation, technologically savvy and politically aware, is unwilling to accept the status quo. The challenges are immense, but the opportunity for a more democratic, prosperous, and just future for the region is undeniable.
As Afghanistan struggles to rebuild, Bagram stands as both a scar and a lesson, a reminder of how intervention failed and how fragile independence can be. For India, backing the idea that no foreign power should return to that base is a way of saying the region must take responsibility for its own peace.
The time has come for New Delhi to consider formally recognizing the Taliban as Afghanistan’s legitimate government. The downsides are minimal; the strategic dividends substantial. Engagement would not mean endorsement of ideology but acknowledgment of geopolitical reality.
Taliban’s human rights record, particularly its regressive misogynistic policies are well known. No doubt developing relations with Taliban is a geostrategic requirement. But why did India have to ban women reporters from attending the joint press conference by the two foreign ministers?
