China pulled off a spectacular show last week at the port city of Tianjin by inviting more than 20 world leaders, including Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Russian President Vladimir Putin to the 25th summit of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO).

It is significant for the “united front” tactics of China in its quest to create a secure enclave and a bulwark against the United States, consolidate its position in Asia and beyond, promote a multipolar world order and is in line with President Xi Jinping’s iconoclastic “fenfa youwei” (accomplish something).

Takeaways from Tianjin

For the participants as well, there are major takeaways from Tianjin.  For instance, Vladimir Putin, seized with the Ukrainian conflict and extreme pressure from the US and Europe, including debilitating sanctions against Russia, the SCO gathering offered ways to overcome global isolation on his terms.

For India, the Modi-Putin-Xi photo optics at the summit in Tianjin, offered a stiff counter to the ever-increasing insults and tariffs of the US. Besides, Modi was not just able to send signals of strategic autonomy to the West, but also to usher in stability in India’s relations with China which have been uncomfortable after the bloody clash at Galwan in June 2020.

India became an observer in 2005, applied for full membership in 2014, and finally after signing 37 obligations became a full member in 2017. India also became the chair of the SCO summit in 2023 when it conducted a virtual meeting of the heads of the States of the SCO.

At the New Delhi summit, India introduced a radically different agenda of focusing, not on authoritative structures but by drawing attention to other areas like start-ups, innovation, Buddhism, a point Modi reiterated at the Tianjin summit meeting.

For a majority of the SCO summit participants, Tianjin signals their solidarity and re-adjustments in what is especially now a constantly changing state of global and regional orders. Band wagoning, Eurasian integration, securing finance options for their infrastructural and other needs and a chance of broader neighbourhood stability has triggered interest.

The Tianjin summit, for instance, announced the establishment of an SCO Development Bank. China announced $280 million aid to member States, in addition to 10 billion yuan in loans. Like the BRICS New Development Bank, this is expected to not only contribute to the regional infrastructure build up but also substantially reduce the dependence of member States on the West and the US dollar

This is significant as the monetary order under the Bretton Woods systems and institutions have been unable to meet the growing requirements and infrastructural needs of the Global South countries. This is so even though many Chinese-funded projects have fallen into the debt-trap controversy.

Impressive Growth And Agenda

The SCO profile as such is impressive. Only five countries were part of its previous avatar in 1996. But since 2001, it has grown to be the largest regional inter-governmental organisation, covering Central Asia, South Asia, Southeast Asia, and West Asia.

The SCO has currently expanded to 10 member States, 2 observer States and 14 dialogue partners. It includes nearly 44 percent of the global population and a quarter of the GDP of the world (about $30 trillion).

The SCO is known for territorial dispute resolution and demilitarisation in the bordering areas. A series of agreements and confidence building measures were announced in the 1990s and borders consolidated. Despite a few incidents of inter-State conflict, such as between Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan, the Eurasian region exhibits tranquillity.

The SCO’s focus on countering terrorism is also attracting regional attention. It established the Regional Anti-Terrorist Structure (RATS) in 2002, initially headquartered at Tashkent till 2022, but now moved to Moscow. Even though acute contradictions and double standards exist in addressing terror outfits, RATS is emerging as a significant regional organisation in pooling data related to terrorists, training programmes and paramilitary exercises.

The SCO conducts joint drills such as peace mission exercises with member states participation, databases, sharing information against terrorist groups, countering drug trafficking, arms smuggling and others is gradually building it as a viable alternative.

US Forays Into Region

Ever since Russian Premier Yevgeny Primakov mentioned building a multipolar world order, during his visit to New Delhi in 1998, the SCO has been assiduously countering the unilateral policies of the US. At its summit meeting in 2005, the SCO declared that the US establish a timetable for withdrawing troops from Central Asia.

Despite the best efforts of the US, including its troops in Afghanistan, the Eurasian region largely remained out of bounds for the US influence. Recent efforts by the Trump Administration, in discussions with Pakistan Army Chief Gen Asim Munir and the appointment of Sergio Gor as the US envoy to India (with additional tasks of Central Asia and South Asia), are attempts at making forays into the Eurasian region.

China, Russia Calls The Shots

As the largest producers of energy (Russia, Kazakhstan, Iran and others) and energy consumers (China, India and others), the SCO Energy Club, established in 2013, offers a unique and useful combination, even though the Trump Administration is targeting such connections, especially those involving India.

Despite the public display of bonhomie at Tianjin, however, the SCO is ridden with major differences in harmonising national interests of member States, with some entering into active skirmishes, trade barriers or imbalances, equations with major powers and double standards on issues such as countering terrorism or protecting sovereignty and territorial integrity. PM Modi alluded to some of these issues in his speech.

While the SCO is guided by a consensus approach, in reality China and Russia call the shots in the organisational issues as well as in agenda setting. This results in an acute balance of power equations or even acute differences among member States. Unless the issues are resolved it could lead to conflict among them.

(The author is an acknowledged China expert and Dean of the School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University., New Delhi. Views are personal. By special arrangement with The Billion Press)