Due to an unprecedented student and public protest, Sheikh Hasina, who had been in power for a decade and a half, resigned as Prime Minister and fled to India. Discussions and speculations about her next destination/move are ongoing. Although it is said that the primary cause of the student movement was the quota reform protests, there were several other reasons as well. These include Hasina's abuse of power, extreme corruption among her party members and key government officials, growing economic disparities, rising prices of essential commodities, and the fact that people, particularly the youth, had been deprived of voting rights for over fifteen years because of large scale electoral fraud. In the face of intense protests, Sheikh Hasina was compelled to flee the country.

Amidst this upheaval, a transitional government has been formed, and Nobel Peace Prize laureate Professor Dr. Muhammad Yunus has been appointed its chief adviser (de facto prime minister). This marks a significant step towards the vision of a "New Bangladesh" for which the current young generation is striving. The ongoing discussions and debates about the role of this interim government reflect the hope and potential for positive change that this movement has ignited.

Challenges for interim government

This interim government faces various challenges. One of them is building a country that reflects the demands of the protesters, students, and the public. For this, changes to the constitution and various state components will be necessary, what some are calling reforms. Other challenges include restructuring the devastated economy to restore stability, and increasing foreign exchange reserves. Additionally, bringing the prices of necessary goods within the purchasing power of ordinary people is another considerable challenge. If the interim government is sincere and people cooperate, the challenges can be met and the problems resolved.

However, the primary task for the interim government is reducing the polarization between two major ideological forces. Over the decades, contemporary Bangladesh's two main ideological camps have fought on countless issues. The interim government's biggest challenge is to bring supporters of both camps to the table, as unity is crucial for the country's political and economic progress.

The concept of political polarization is not in politics. According to identity politics theorists, people naturally tend to associate themselves with a particular group based on religion, race, ethnicity, and gender, to name a few. This identity creates the ‘in-group’ and' out-group’. The supporters of the in-group associate less with the out-group. This polarization creates an enemy culture between the groups.

After every sudden social and political change, rival groups compete to further their ideological interests. Hasina’s flight from Bangladesh allows both groups to seek political and ideological advantage. For example, vandalizing or defacing Sheikh Mujibur Rahman’s statues and sculptures can be seen as an example of the current political polarization. "Bangabandhu" can be criticized for numerous political and social commissions, but his stellar role in the 1971 liberation war and gaining freedom for the country cannot be denied.

Altering political history and development is another way of polarizing Bangladesh. After a military coup that assassinated Mujib and his entire family members except Hasina and her sister, people did not dare utter Mujib's name from 1975 to 1990. Alas, the same tendency has been seen in the last fifteen years under Hasina’s rule. Ordinary people barely talk about Zia ur Rahman, one of the liberation war heroes of Bangladesh a former president. 

Rival ideological camps

Besides the polarization between the two major political parties, the polarization can be seen between the liberal and conservative forces, which is more difficult to resolve. Two issues, for example, have already sparked debate between the liberal and conservative camps. The first concerns religion-based politics and its future role in the state. The other, a social one, concerns transgender policies. This could include topics like transgender rights or other matters perceived to conflict with Islamic values by the conservative group.

The liberals - some call them leftists - are supporters of Western liberalism who believe that there is no need for religious politics in Bangladesh and that religion-based political parties should not exist in the country. They argue that the state should operate solely on secular principles and there should be a separation between religion and politics.

On the other hand, the conservative group believes that ultra-liberal forces may act against Islamic values if they come into power. In their view, transgender ideology is more harmful to the nation than economic and political issues. Some members of the conservative group are also calling for the destruction of various statues as they are contrary to Islamic teachings. Several statues have been destroyed in multiple places, including Dhaka University. They asume that the new Bangladesh, born from the student movement, is an Islamic country and that adopting any policy other than Islamic law would be wrong.  

Political and social polarization will increase animosity between the camps, creating obstacles to the interim government's efforts to implement urgent reforms. Such a situation will make voters politically apathetic and willing to accept anti-democratic paths. 

Extreme polarisation threat to nation

Bangladesh is home to people of different religions and cultures, both in the hills and plains. The extreme polarization of thought and ideology between opposing ideological groups is impacting Bangladesh's social fabric. The main challenge for the newly formed interim government is to bring these two rival ideological camps to the discussion table and work together to solve the existing problems while implementing economic and political reforms.

We have seen similar polarization problems in post-revolution Arab states. In Egypt and Tunisia, after the Arab Spring, we witnessed ideological polarization, which made it impossible to establish stable states, even after successful revolutions, due to the ideological rigidity of rival groups. As a result, the revolutions in these countries were hijacked. Citing political and social instability, military or authoritarian governments took over. Consequently, the bloodshed of thousands of people went in vain.

We must consider whether Bangladesh is heading the right path. Otherwise, the revolution of the students and the public could be wasted. Some 'monsters' might come in through the back door and suppress the sacrifices and dreams of hundreds of students and citizens. What answer will we give to the families of those who were killed? None of this would be good news for either the liberal or conservative groups.

(The author is lecturer, Department of Political Science, National University, Gazipur, Bangladesh. Views are personal. He can be contacted at akmal10th.du@gmail.com )