A university in India should be able to learn from one in Africa. A Latin American campus should be able to adapt an innovation developed in Asia. Universities should be able to compare pathways, learn from failures, share data and accelerate solutions. This is where SCCN can play a distinctive role
Unlike many regions where imported garments quickly become waste, countries such as India have built thriving ecosystems of repair, resale and recycling. Long before the "circular economy" entered policy vocabulary, informal markets and recycling clusters had already extended the life of clothing through reuse and material recovery.
If Earth Overshoot Day falls on 30 July in 2026 , humanity is currently effectively requiring nearly one and three-quarter Earths to sustain its present patterns of production and consumption.
Climate change is reshaping national security in South Asia. Military preparedness, though important, cannot make up for decaying infrastructure, failing water systems, or recurrent economic disruptions brought on by extreme weather. Governments must expand the definition of security to incorporate climate resilience as a central strategic goal.
Even full development of India’s permitted hydropower and storage rights under the Indus Waters Treaty expands utilisation, but does not translate into control over downstream flows into Pakistan. The debate, therefore, is not about the ability to stop water. It is about how effectively each side uses what geography and law already permit.
A just transition in India therefore requires targeted, context-specific strategies—supporting coal-dependent regions, strengthening reskilling and social protection (especially for informal workers), and aligning sectoral decarbonisation with employment generation. Ultimately, the transition’s success will depend not only on reducing emissions, but on its ability to protect livelihoods and enable inclusive, equitable growth.
While the rising sea level and warming oceans are undeniably a part of the crisis in the Sundarbans, other factors are also in play. It's a tale of criminal enterprise, regulatory failure and violent dispossession of some of the world's most vulnerable people.
India is not merely a buyer of cheap oil from Russia or an exporter of refined fuels to Europe. India is a system stabiliser, ensuring the flow of oil in the world market in the context of economic necessity as well as geopolitical compulsions. India ranks among the top five refining nations globally.
European green laws represent a major shift in the relationship between trade and environmental sustainability. For South Asia, they create both risks and opportunities. While compliance costs and market access challenges are real, these regulations can also accelerate the region's transition towards greener and more resilient economic development. The long-term success of South Asian economies will depend on their ability to integrate sustainability into industrial growth strategies while ensuring that environmental goals complement, rather than hinder, broader development objectives.
India's Gen Z seeks opportunity, purpose and impact. The cockroach's greatest lesson is not survival but service—quietly sustaining ecosystems through recycling, resilience and adaptation. As young people lead the journey towards sustainability and Net Zero, the question is not whether they are cockroaches, but whether they will learn from them.
India maintains a separation between civilian and military nuclear programmes and remains outside the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT). Consequently, the PFBR is not under International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) safeguards.
The reactor that has now gone critical at Kalpakkam, on the Bay of Bengal coastline in Tamil Nadu, is not the end of that journey. It is, more precisely, the end of the beginning. The real test is whether India can now scale fast breeder capacity rapidly enough to make a material difference to its energy-mix building on the Kalpakkam template, the industrial supply chains it has validated, and the engineering confidence it has earned.
If India and China choose collaboration by setting aside strategic suspicion in the climate domain, they could fundamentally reshape the trajectory of the 21st century, as they have already demonstrated individually through their pursuit of clean energy over the past decade. More importantly, such a coalition could revive the COP28 fossil-fuel phase-down pledge, which stalled at COP29 in Baku and appears to be drifting further at COP30 in Belém.
The Indus and the Ganges are dying slowly, and with them disappear species that evolved over thousands of years within these waters. If current patterns continue, future generations may inherit rivers that exist geographically but are biologically empty. South Asia still has an opportunity to reverse this trajectory, but only if environmental protection becomes a shared regional priority rather than an afterthought.
Climate migration isn’t just about the loss of land. It is about the loss of memory, culture and home. When people are driven out of the places where they were born, few things that matter are merely economic. Over the next decades, the world will confront a fundamental dilemma. Can humankind handle the climate crisis in a surer way? Or will the future consist of millions searching for a new place to call home?
The constraint on India’s expansion is fissile inventory, particularly between 2035-2045. At present, the breeder program depends on plutonium from a limited set of eight unsafeguarded reactors. Meanwhile, India has accumulated spent fuel from uranium imported for its safeguarded reactors. This significant plutonium is lying idle because we lack safeguarded reprocessing facilities.
The 11th NPT Review Conference is a pivotal moment for the global nuclear order. Its importance lies not only in the specific outcomes it may produce but also in what it represents: a test of the international community’s ability to cooperate in the face of shared existential risks. Success would reaffirm the relevance of the NPT. Failure would deepen existing divisions, weaken the treaty’s credibility, and increase the likelihood of a renewed nuclear arms race.
The choice of the next SG will determine whether the UN regains relevance or slides further into insignificance. A woman leader would not only break a glass ceiling; it would show the UN retains the capacity for renewal. A male candidate seen as a P5 compromise would confirm fears that global leadership remains a private club for the powerful.
A revised version presented on 1 October reflects the Western double standards and the continuous desire of the UNHRC to bend over backwards to please the West. The most shocking aspect is that the recommendations in the report were made without consultation with the Government of Sri Lanka.
