Indian Defence Minister Rajnath Singh’s visit to  Malaysia charts a new opening of strategic security and bilateral ties that will provide long-term and lasting returns to both countries,  especially to Malaysia. This visit, on top of the recent visit by Minister of State for External Affairs V Muraleedharan, reflects the growing importance of Malaysia in the regional security architecture and in spearheading new paths of cooperation with trusted allies and partners.

Singh’s visit was strategically timed to push for deeper defence and security partnerships, especially against the backdrop of rising traditional and non-traditional threats in and around the region.

India remains a victim of Kuala Lumpur's changing approaches and priorities as political instability hit Malaysia over the past few years. Ties have been rocky and openings for stable and productive ties. especially in establishing a regional security partnership given the geopolitical importance of both players, were restricted.

Malaysia forms an integral plan of its Act East Policy, as the country is strategically located within India’s 'necklace of diamonds' counter-balancing strategy against China. India’s naval base in the Andaman Sea and Nicobar Island chain will further strengthen its blue-water navy and strengthen strategic guardrails against any unilateral violations of regional maritime stability. 

For this, India will need an integrated and collective defence partnership that can complement its regional security framework. With greater defence collaborations with India, including in areas of new technological collaboration in downstream industries in asset development, Malaysia’s national security based on trust and mutual benefits will produce positive returns.

India's as a counterbalancing power

Indian Naval Ships and Indian Coast Guard Ships frequently make port calls at Malaysian ports, with various military exercises including Exercise Samudra Lakshmana and Harimau Shakti.  

Not only will they create guardrails against further risks to the existing chain of interconnectivity and economic linkages, they form a deeper second-front capacity against potential exploitation and economic coercion by hostile powers.

India is cognisant that Malaysia is seeking counterbalancing forces against China, and India and Japan remain the two players that can be crucial in its calculation.

Malaysia’s decision to opt for South Korea’s FA-50 trainer jets in preference to the Indian Tejas is not a hindrance to future defence ties, as both countries realise the importance of future security alliance and partnership, including joint training and interoperability potential in strengthening maritime security and national interests.

The establishment of the SU-30 Forum and the Strategic Affairs Working Group to elevate the cooperation between the two defence ministries is a symbol of greater trust and intent.

Both wanted the recent good momentum to be enhanced for the realisation of the roadmap for the 4th Decade of India-Malaysia Defence Cooperation, especially highlighting the third pillar of the National Defence Strategy, which is on "credible partnerships", as outlined by Malaysia's Defence White Paper (DWP).

India's naval expansion

China’s renewed power postures in the region and beyond have caused realignments of policies and approaches, creating a new wariness and a scramble to adjust new security settings and partnerships. India fits the bill as a defence and security partner as it has the potential to be pillared on a moral high ground of universal values, democracy and the rule of law. 

India demonstrated its naval muscle with a dual-aircraft carrier exercise last month in June, a feat China is yet to accomplish. The combined operation in the Arabian Sea showcased  “formidable maritime capabilities” and the ability to project power in the Indian Ocean and beyond. This remains an immense feat that only the US Navy has pulled off in recent times. 

The two aircraft carriers, INS Vikramaditya and INS Vikrant, led the exercise with more than 35 aircraft and an array of surface ships and submarines, demonstrating the fact that the Indian Navy is one with rare capacities to operate with such a complex force deployment system.

Both China and the UK have more than one aircraft carrier, but both are yet to operate a dual-carrier system. Although incomparable in terms of the sheer volume of naval assets with Beijing, Indian Navy had decades-long experience and expertise in aircraft carrier ops. It rivals the People Liberation Army’s Navy and is poised to gather more strength through integrated deterrence and security partnerships with the West in joint interoperability and strategic placement of assets to ensure maritime security and stability,  including complementing the nuclear-powered AUKUS submarines in key chokepoints.

The Indian Navy remains a highly trained, disciplined and proficient force that has stepped up cooperation with other navies in the Indo-Pacific through the annual Malabar exercises. India’s naval modernisation are a strategic response to Beijing’s muscle-flexing in the region, including in the Indian Ocean, especially with Beijing’s strategic penetration into India’s neighbours Sri Lanka,  Pakistan and Bangladesh through the 'strings of pearls' encirclement with its wider regional ramifications.

India's peaceful rise underappreciated

India's Indo-Pacific aspirations have always been overshadowed by the might of China and its inroads in building a regional infrastructure grid that is overly dependent on Beijing’s capital and investments. This has started to change, especially since the pandemic.

Beijing’s slower-than-expected recovery and the growing internal challenges, further squeezed by Washington’s economic and technological embargo, have stalled its future growth prospects. The exodus of top firms in search of other regional upcoming players including Vietnam and India has elevated the importance of India in the Indo-Pacific architecture. 

India’s time is now, as encapsulated in the recent report by Goldman Sachs that New Delhi is projected to become the second-largest economy in the world after China by 2075, surpassing Japan, Germany and even the United States. 

The factors mentioned as driving this projection are India’s favourable demographics, innovation and technology, higher capital investment and rising worker productivity. Innovation and increasing worker productivity are going to be game changers in exerting greater output for each unit of labor and capital in India’s economy.

Priorities on infrastructure creation and high-impact job creation in critical industries of the future, including semiconductor and digital economy, provide immense openings for the region to be part of the new spectrum of economic leadership that is value driven and prioritises human rights, climate responsibility, rule of law and democratic principles.

India’s peaceful rise has often been underappreciated. Malaysia needs to complement India’s Act East Policy that provides mutually beneficial returns to both powers. New Delhi remains a critical anchor in maintaining regional stability and in promoting value-based engagement and peacebuilding.

India’s regional and global leadership provides a much-welcome new opening for Malaysia and the region in their security calculations. New Delhi remains the region’s most important Asian partner in providing the economic and security fallback that is based on values, trust and proven expectations.

(The author is a Kuala Lumpur-based strategic and security analyst. Views are personal. He can be contacted at collins@um.edu.my)