When the Bollywood film Dhadak 2 released earlier this year, its portrayal of caste discrimination in Indian campuses reignited an uncomfortable question—have our universities truly become equal spaces? The timing was striking: September 2025, caste-based reservation again sparked protests across India: Scheduled Caste students in Uttar Pradesh demonstrated against an alleged quota for non-SC/ST students in government hostels,  while in Delhi, the Students’ Federation of India (SFI) staged marches at Delhi University demanding full implementation of reservation in postgraduate courses and hostels.

These flashpoints reveal that the debate over reservation in education—long considered a settled moral imperative, remains deeply contested. More importantly, they invite scrutiny of whether the system, after seventy-five years of independence, still serves as a ladder of mobility or has solidified into an apparatus of dependency and division.

Reservation’s Promise and Its Implementation Reality

India’s reservation framework, anchored in Articles 15(4) and 16(4) of the Constitution, mandates affirmative action for socially and educationally backward groups. Currently, centrally funded institutions reserve 15% of seats for Scheduled Castes, 7.5% for Scheduled Tribes, 27% for Other Backward Classes, and, since the 103rd Constitutional Amendment (2019), 10% for Economically Weaker Sections (EWS), bringing total reservation to nearly 60%.

The All India Survey on Higher Education (AISHE 2020–21) reports a 47% increase in ST enrolment and a substantial rise in SC participation since 2014–15. Likewise, OBC and EWS enrolments continue to expand. Yet representation in faculty and leadership remains disproportionately low.

A Parliamentary Standing Committee on Social Justice (2025) sharply criticised the practice of declaring SC/ST candidates “Not Found Suitable” for university faculty positions despite sanctioned vacancies. This reveals a structural imbalance, access without authority, representation without recognition.

Justice, Dependency, and the Limits of Quotas

Proponents of reservation argue that it embodies compensatory justice and distributive fairness, correcting historical deprivation and broadening social mobility. Empirically, the policy has enabled first-generation learners from Dalit and Adivasi communities to enter universities and civil services that once excluded them.

Yet its critics point to persistent stagnation. After seven decades, do we have conclusive data showing sustained upliftment? If not, why continue unchanged? Even after decades of reservations in promotions under Article 16(4A), data show very few officers from marginalized communities in higher administrative posts. Efficiency, protected under Article 335, risks being sidelined when promotions or appointments occur without objective merit assessment.

The disparities in entrance thresholds deepen social tensions. For example, in 2025, Delhi University’s top programs such as at Hindu College and SRCC required nearly 950–980 out of 1000 (about 95–98 percentile) for general category candidates, while reserved-category cutoffs (SC, ST, OBC) were often 80-150 points lower, depending on demand and college. This gap not only reflects unequal preparation but fosters resentment by visibly segregating access levels.

Meanwhile, misuse of caste or EWS certificates, cases where affluent individuals falsely claim eligibility, undermines legitimacy. Reports of applicants owning iPhones or luxury vehicles yet availing reserved benefits have become a social flashpoint. Such “fake reservations” distort the moral contract of affirmative action, deepening public cynicism and dividing communities that should instead be united by equity.

Redesigning Reservation for Equity, Not Permanence

John Rawls’ theory of justice allows inequalities only when they benefit the least advantaged. In this sense, reservation is justified, but only so long as it serves those truly disadvantaged. Periodic review and rationalisation are thus essential.

Dr. B. R. Ambedkar envisioned reservation as a bridge to equality, not a permanent crutch. In his own words, “It is the system that must change, not merely the seats to be filled.” Seventy-five years later, that bridge must be reinforced, not endlessly extended.

The government should therefore focus on early education reform, where inequality begins. Strengthening primary and secondary schools for SC/ST/OBC children through scholarships, remedial teaching, and digital learning access would achieve far more durable equality than inflating quotas at elite levels. Similarly, merit-based scholarships and need-based financial aid, rather than caste alone, could blend social justice with academic rigor.

Reforms such as the Raya Mandal Committee’s periodic review, sub-categorisation within backward classes, and stricter verification systems for EWS and caste certificates can refine the system. Equally, enforcing anti-discrimination laws on campuses, improving fee structures, and introducing transparent faculty promotion metrics can ensure reservation promotes inclusion rather than dependency.

The Road Ahead

Reservation in education has achieved moral legitimacy and expanded access, but it has also created new inequalities and stagnation. Its future lies not in expansion or abolition, but in redefinition. Affirmative action must evolve from symbolic arithmetic to structural reform, grounded in data and fairness.

As India celebrates 75 years of independence, it must recall Ambedkar’s caution: “Political democracy cannot last unless it lies at the base of its social democracy.” The goal is not to end affirmative action abruptly, but to make it self-correcting, ensuring the truly disadvantaged rise without entrenching privilege under the guise of justice.

The day India can proudly say that no student needs a quota to belong, and no campus is divided by one, will mark the true success of the constitutional promise of equality.

(The author is an independent researcher at Shaheed Bhagat Singh College, University of Delhi. Views expressed are personal. He can be contacted at piyushchaudhary2125@gmail.com )