It would also explain why Pakistan is trying to preserve a distinction between supporting Saudi Arabia and fighting the Houthis. Pakistan has every reason to avoid another open-ended conflict in the Middle East. Its military is heavily committed to its own security challenges. Its economy cannot easily absorb the political and financial consequences
EU and India could establish a regular EU–India-Middle East Consultative Mechanism involving foreign-policy officials and experts. Its purpose would be to coordinate positions before major international gatherings and meetings.
For Sri Lankan politics, this is more than diplomatic sightseeing. It raises a fundamental question whether the JVP is developing a sophisticated strategy of balancing relations with India and China or is it gradually adapting itself to the organisational models of powerful one-party or dominant-party systems in China and India respectively?
The ongoing civil war in Myanmar has caused an influx of armed cadres (Meitei, Naga and Kuki) into Manipur's border tracts like Kamjong district, further squeezing finite land resources and aggravating historical territorial disputes. What began as a localized dispute under the state's newly elected government in February 2026 has escalated into intense, multi-district armed warfare.
Bangladesh is not immune to the regional trend of rising religious and political extremism after a dramatic regime change. Credible security analyses warn that, with recent upheavals, hardline groups are reconfiguring networks and testing gaps in the state’s capacity to respond. To weaken the armed forces and other disciplined services is to invite those groups to exploit the vacuum.
This moral dissonance is far from a Bangladeshi anomaly - it echoes across South Asia. From India to Pakistan to Sri Lanka, the lines between desire, dominance, and digital depravity are blurring faster than ever.
Pakistan's transition from imminent default in 2023 to stability in 2025 exemplifies a remarkable macroeconomic reversal in South Asia. In contrast to Sri Lanka, which is mired in post-default restructuring, and Bangladesh, which is experiencing export stagnation, Pakistan's synchronized budgetary discipline and IMF-supported reforms have started to produce concrete outcomes
If there is a doctrine emerging from this moment, it is one of managed interdependence. India’s 25 percent import cap is not just a regulatory rule; it’s a political philosophy. It enshrines diversification as a matter of national security, insulating the economy from both volatility and coercion. No single country — whether Russia, Saudi Arabia, or the United States — should have the leverage to weaponize energy against India.
Yet, no matter how effectively India strengthens its regional partnerships, the enduring challenge of Pakistan and rising Chinese influence cannot be overlooked. Geopolitical churn may reshape alignments, but Islamabad’s propensity for misadventures continues to demand vigilance, alongside engaging in backchannel diplomacy.
Demographic data show South Asia’s working-age population rose from 66.7% (2019) to 67.9% (2024), while the share in high-income countries fell from 65.6% to 64.7%. South Asia’s vast diaspora can further strengthen the region by leveraging knowledge networks, remittances, and investment flows.⁸
New Delhi recently received an official delegation from the Taliban government, led by Afghanistan’s Acting Foreign Minister — the first such visit since the formation of the Islamic Emirate in 2021
If trade tensions intensify, they could unravel years of progress in regional connectivity and energy integration. The same border that once symbolized shared progress could become a faultline of friction. Safeguarding these gains requires renewed dialogue, predictability, and partnership. Trade must be the foundation, not the faultline, of the Dhaka–Delhi relationship.
The movements in Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, and Nepal are a powerful reminder that South Asia's political landscape is being reshaped. A new generation, technologically savvy and politically aware, is unwilling to accept the status quo. The challenges are immense, but the opportunity for a more democratic, prosperous, and just future for the region is undeniable.
As Afghanistan struggles to rebuild, Bagram stands as both a scar and a lesson, a reminder of how intervention failed and how fragile independence can be. For India, backing the idea that no foreign power should return to that base is a way of saying the region must take responsibility for its own peace.
The time has come for New Delhi to consider formally recognizing the Taliban as Afghanistan’s legitimate government. The downsides are minimal; the strategic dividends substantial. Engagement would not mean endorsement of ideology but acknowledgment of geopolitical reality.
Taliban’s human rights record, particularly its regressive misogynistic policies are well known. No doubt developing relations with Taliban is a geostrategic requirement. But why did India have to ban women reporters from attending the joint press conference by the two foreign ministers?
The Modi-Trump conversation may appear transactional, but its implications are strategic. If the trade agreement concludes by November, it could mark a turning point, redefining not just tariffs, but the trajectory of India’s global engagement.
The Yunus-led interim government appears, at present, to be leaning toward China. That makes sense in the short term: Beijing offers quick cash, infrastructure projects, and military hardware without raising questions about democracy or human rights. Yet the government’s near-total neglect of India is strategically reckless. Geography cannot be wished away
Far from isolating Russia, weakening China, or bending India and Brazil to Washington’s will, Trump's policies are uniting the Global South in ways unthinkable just a decade ago. They are creating new supply chains, strengthening regional blocs, and forcing nations to embrace economic self-determination.
