The fight for democracy was a pivotal aspect of Bangladesh's struggle for independence from Pakistan in 1971, a liberation war that lasted nine months and claimed millions of lives. During this period of intense bloodshed, the people of Bangladesh made unparalleled sacrifices for three core values: equality, human dignity, and social justice. These were not merely popular ideals but the driving forces that inspired freedom fighters, including women and Indigenous groups, to expel Pakistani soldiers and establish Bangladesh as an independent country in mid-December 1971.

Bangladesh transitioned to electoral democracy in 1990 after two decades of authoritarian rule. In 1997, authors Nazim Kamran Choudhury and Yasmeen Murshed wrote about this transition in the article Bangladesh's Second Chance, highlighting the peaceful parliamentary election held in 1996. They noted two key developments that bolstered their optimism for democracy: the establishment of a caretaker governance system and the absence of military intervention in politics. However, these developments were neither sustained nor institutionalized, leading to ongoing challenges for democracy in the country.

A semi-military government was established in Bangladesh from 2007 to 2008, often referred to as the ‘One-Eleven government.’ The military-backed caretaker government aimed to implement a ‘minus two formula,’ removing Khaleda Zia and Sheikh Hasina from Bangladesh's political landscape. However, following widespread protests, the military-backed government organized an election in 2008. The Awami League (AL) emerged victorious, and Hasina became the prime minister of the newly formed administration.

After assuming power, Hasina dismantled political institutions, concentrated power in her own hands, and suppressed opposition through excessive force. Bangladesh shifted from an electoral democracy to a hybrid regime and later, according to several democracy index reports, became an authoritarian state under Hasina’s leadership.

On August 5, 2024, the so-called "Iron Lady" Hasina fled the country in the face of an unprecedented student-led mass uprising. Before her downfall, law enforcement agencies, alongside her party members, killed more than a thousand students, children, and ordinary citizens in an attempt to suppress the protests. However, nothing could halt the movement, and Hasina was eventually overthrown. Following the uprising, an interim government was established, led by Nobel Peace Prize laureate Professor Muhammad Yunus.

Now, an important question arises: Is this Bangladesh's last chance for democracy? If so, why is this considered the final opportunity for a democratic system? The following sections explore the reasons behind Bangladesh's ‘now or never’ moment for democracy.

The case for democracy

1. Restoration of voting rights

The mass uprising successfully deposed the authoritarian ruler Sheikh Hasina through grassroots activism. Citizens from all walks of life, including children, actively participated in the protests. One of the primary reasons for the uprising was the denial of voting rights under Hasina’s regime. Three consecutive rigged elections (2014, 2018, and 2024) disenfranchised the people of Bangladesh. Now, following the student-led revolution, an opportunity has emerged to restore the fundamental right to vote.

2. Economic development as catalyst for democracy

Bangladesh and the world have recently witnessed a social revolution that deposed Hasina's authoritarian regime. In Economic Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy (2009), Daron Acemoglu and James A. Robinson argue that economic development and industrialization pave the way for democracy. Bangladesh has experienced rapid infrastructural and social development in recent years. Given these factors, the emergence of liberal democracy in Bangladesh is conceivable.

3. Constitutional reforms

Several anti-democratic provisions exist within Bangladesh’s constitution. These include Article 70, which prohibits ‘floor crossing,’ the imbalance of power between the prime minister and the president, and the lack of an effective ombudsman. For example, the prime minister’s unchecked authority and the president’s largely ceremonial role create significant barriers to democracy.

In response, the interim government has established a ‘Constitutional Reform Committee,’ led by Dr. Ali Riaz, a Bangladeshi-American political science professor at Illinois State University. There is a widespread demand among students and civil society groups for necessary constitutional changes to prevent future dictatorships and eliminate anti-democratic provisions. The committee has already submitted its ‘Reform Report,’ addressing the demands of the mass revolution and laying the groundwork for democracy in Bangladesh.

4. Rise of an Engaged youth

Civic engagement and political awareness among Generation Z have significantly increased in recent years. Previously, many scholars and civil society members viewed the youth as apolitical. However, alternative political participation in social movements—such as the first quota reform movement and the road safety movement in 2018, as well as the second quota reform movement in 2024—evolved into an anti-government movement that ultimately led to Hasina’s ousting. Democracy theorists emphasize that political participation is a fundamental pillar of democracy.

5. Freedom of the press

Under the Hasina regime, the media was stifled by draconian laws and oppressive regulations. A politicized civil society and a controlled media played essential roles in maintaining authoritarianism in Bangladesh. However, following the fall of Hasina’s government, an opportunity has arisen for true press freedom. If the media is genuinely empowered and free from political influence, Bangladesh may witness the emergence of a fully democratic government.

Challenges to democracy

Despite these opportunities, several challenges remain:

• The presence of confused democrats and a lack of intra- and inter-party democracy

• Insufficient efforts to build political institutions and foster sustainable development

• A deficit of political trust and a parochial political culture

• A persistent regional and global democracy deficit

• The absence of a vibrant, non-politicized civil society

Addressing these challenges is crucial to cultivating a robust democratic culture in Bangladesh.

Need to seize the moment

Bangladesh stands on the brink of democracy. Such historic opportunities do not arise frequently. If political parties and stakeholders fail to seize this moment, it is uncertain when another chance will present itself. This may indeed be the final opportunity for democracy in Bangladesh.

(The author is  a lecturer in the Department of Political Science, National University of Bangladesh, Gazipur. Views expressed are personal. He can be contacted at akmal10th.du@gmail.com).