The recent upheaval in Bangladesh made headlines around the world. And while the struggles fueling the situation are not new, the situation raises many complex questions.

Who will benefit from this monumental change? Can the current caretaker government make the tough calls that are needed? How will the rhetoric churned out by corporate Indian media and the ruling class impact the dynamics between the two countries - and the region as a whole?

Panellists from Bangladesh at a recent discussion on ‘Navigating Challenges and Building Unity for a Stable Future’ hosted by the Southasia Peace Action Network, or Sapan, shared insights from the ground and discussed the possibilities of national unity and reconciliation.

Event host Fauzia Deeba, a physician and passionate advocate for South Asian solidarity and a Sapan founder member, opened the webinar with a personal reflection on her connection with Bangladesh.

As a Pashtun from Balochistan, Dr. Deeba shared how deeply Bengali culture shaped her upbringing in Pakistan – learning Bengali as a second language and watching Bengali dramas on TV. The 1971 separation left lasting scars. “We have lived with survivors’ guilt since then,” she remarked, recalling her childhood friendship with Farida, who returned to Dhaka after the war.

Recovery

Sushmita Preetha, a senior journalist with the Daily Star, Dhaka, moderated the subsequent hour-long discussion with economist Prof. Anu Muhammad, sociologist Dr. Seuty Sabur, advocate Manzur Ali Matin and indigenous rights activist Arjyashree Chakma.

The discussion pointed to cautious optimism as the country, with a 143 million strong population, recovers from the violence of the past months, which cost an estimated 15,000 lives of protestors and security personnel.

The caretaker government has established 11 commissions to work on issues like workers' rights, women’s rights, institutional reform, and energy.

"These commissions were formed to understand the reality of the past and find a way out," noted Anu Muhammad. Many of the leaders of these commissions are well-regarded figures, which has raised hopes for substantial recommendations.

However, systemic inertia can pose a challenge.

Prof. Muhammad pointed to promises to repeal the draconian CyberSecurity Act — and dismantle the indemnity law, which enabled the government to “make huge corruption in the energy sector."

Entrenched issues continue to haunt Bangladesh. Mob violence rooted in ethnic and religious discord remains a deadly reality for marginalised communities, including women, LGBTQ+ individuals, and workers.

The working class, which played an instrumental role in the July 2024 uprising, continues to face dismissive treatment, struggling for living wages. When they come on the streets, the government’s attitude is “very hostile," Anu Mohammad said.

This has happened in the past as well, he added. Governments tend to see workers as ‘others’ – “a group which can be discriminated against and tortured."

Lack of diversity

Dr. Seuty Sabur sharply criticised some civil society groups for playing a duplicitous role during the previous regime. She accused them of "complicity," for failing to challenge the powers-that-be when it mattered, only to dip their toes in the struggle for change once it became fashionable or politically advantageous.

Corruption “tore up the political fabric of the society" but it wasn’t the only problem with the previous regime. "The whole democratic process all of a sudden became one-party politics” which served the interests of those who had money. “Civil society became deeply politicised."

Dr. Sabur also called out the lack of diversity in the reform commissions, which are overwhelmingly led by Bengali Muslim men. There is little to no representation of women, let alone indigenous voices.

Minorities being targeted during the post-revolution chaos, and disputes over government appointments, particularly regarding the CHT or Chittagong Hill Tracts Ministry, have further alienated indigenous voices.

Ethnic tensions and systemic marginalisation faced by indigenous communities have, in fact, been a cause for concern for some time now, as highlighted by Arjyashree Chakma, an advocate for indigenous rights and founder of Indigenous Exclusive.

She recounted a series of recent events that have deepened the divide between the indigenous peoples and the Bengali settlers, highlighting the urgent need for national and international attention. “Whenever the state is vulnerable, the minorities become targets,” lamented Chakma.

Tensions reached a boiling point following a controversial speech by the interim Prime Minister Muhammad Younus on August 25, where he referred to indigenous communities as ‘alibashi’ — a derogatory term for ‘outsiders or squatters’.

Mainstream Bengali groups protested strongly along with the affected community.

At least four indigenous individuals were killed during communal clashes in September, stemming from a dispute over a motorbike thief’s death. Despite police reports absolving non-Bengalis of blame, vigilante groups vandalised homes and businesses of indigenous residents in Khagrachari and Rangamati.

Social media has amplified hate speech, misinformation, and harassment against indigenous communities, said Chakma. Indigenous women, in particular, face severe online abuse, while students from these communities have had to go into hiding. “We were labelled as separatists and anti-state,” Chakma said.

Optimism about greater inclusion in governance was “crushed” she said, when the Committee on Constitutional Reforms excluded the Chakma Circle Chief, Rajesh Roy, and other minority leaders -- and Bengali settlers celebrated the lack of indigenous representation.

She traced the roots of tensions between settlers and indigenous communities to government-led resettlement programs in the 1980s, which displaced indigenous populations and deepened socio-political divides.

The Chittagong Hill Tracts remain one of the most militarised regions in Bangladesh. Indigenous people entering their ancestral lands face invasive scrutiny, including excessive questioning by military personnel about their intentions and duration of stay, said Chakma.

This rings familiar for border area communities in other parts of the region also.

“Even in our grandparents' hometown, we feel like outsiders,” said Chakma.

As Bangladesh grapples with its identity and governance, indigenous peoples must be recognised as distinct from the Bengali majority, she asserted, urging the government to enshrine the rights of indigenous communities in the Constitution. “We are Bangladeshis, not Bengalis.”

Advocate Manzur Al Matin focused on rays of hope, like the shackles of fear slowly breaking up, and more voices rising. And the creativity of the youth, expressed in diverse ways, including seminars taking place across the country to which “people are flooding”, as Matin put it.

At a recent public gathering, people from around Bangladesh joined to represent their cultures, from qawwali to Chakma songs. "We’ve managed to portray that we are people of diverse religions and cultures. If these voices are being heard then change might just come."

Another sign of hope is that even as remnants of the previous regime scramble to manoeuvre and align themselves with the new administration, there seems to be more willingness to listen and understand diverse points of view. .

The aspirations of Gen-Z are on the walls, calling for a more tolerant and pluralistic society, with a sense of justice. "All political parties have heard that and understand that the newer generation are the most important voting bank at this moment. They don’t believe in the binary we have lived in for such a long time."

Straining ties with India

The country’s challenges extend beyond its borders, with rising political instability and growing discontent straining its once-robust ties with neighbouring India.

Putting the collective outrage against India into context, economist Anu Mohammad recalls Sheikh Hasina’s words that Bangladesh has “given India so many things that it will remember for years”. This positioned Bangladesh as a “subordinate” player in the bilateral relationship, with New Delhi increasingly relying on Hasina’s administration to advance its regional dominance by securing business deals and strategic advantages.

Key examples of this alignment include the Rampal coal-fired power plant, which threatens the Sundarbans, a UNESCO World Heritage site, to fulfil India's energy demands. There were also agreements with Indian conglomerates, like the Adani Group, that were "deceptive" and "detrimental to Bangladesh’s national interests," as Prof. Muhammad put it.

Framing the situation as a Hindu-Muslim conflict as the Indian mainstream media is doing, is not helpful, he said. Alternative media are proving to be more nuanced in how they present the Bangladeshi narrative.

Meanwhile, India has also become a "scapegoat" for avoiding deeper discussions about Bangladesh’s own political failings, suggests Dr. Sabur.

Overall, however, Bangladesh needs to reconsider its international alliances. During the 1990s market liberalisation, there was alignment with America, with a later shift to India. "We need to think whose God we’re serving now," commented Dr Sabur.

The Bangladesh protests have again highlighted the nation’s antipathy towards dictatorship. However, moving forward must involve uprooting the biases prevalent in society. There must be transparency and accountability around the caretaker government, and political parties must adopt democratic values within their ranks.

“The key is to keep speaking up,” said Chakma. “We may be struggling now, but if our voices are heard, change is possible.”

(The writer is a communications student at the University of Karachi. His  X is @AbdullahZahid. Pragyan Srivastava is an Indian journalist and former Fulbright-Nehru Master’s scholar at Rutgers University, US. Views expressed are personal. By special arrangement with Sapan/ Substack)