As Imran Khan enters his seventies behind bars, the stakes extend far beyond his individual fate. Should his detention continue—or worse, should harm befall him in custody—the consequences could be explosive. Public anger, already simmering, may erupt into widespread unrest, challenging the state’s ability to maintain control.
Bangladesh has survived partition, the liberation war, famine, floods, military coups, and democratic collapse. It has always returned. But returning is not the same as resolving. Fifty-six years after independence, the founding paradox remains: a nation whose birth is still debated cannot fully inhabit its future. The gun salutes will be loud and unambiguous. The questions they echo, however, about what Bangladesh is, who founded it, and whose vision should guide it, remain, as they have always been
For India, this raises complex challenges. Historically, India has positioned itself as a strong advocate of anti-colonialism and sovereignty. However, in the current context, its responses have often appeared measured and cautious, despite the direct implications for its interests—ranging from energy security and regional stability to strategic initiatives such as connectivity through Iran.
For India, the failure is particularly significant as its presidency was an opportunity to translate “strategic autonomy”, the current buzzword in foreign policy circles, into multilateral leadership. True, its response is shaped by structural constraints. The country imports more than 85% of its crude oil, much of it from West Asia and Russia. Some nine million of its citizens live in the Gulf. The United States is its largest trading partner. Iran anchors the Chabahar port project and India’s access to Afghanistan and Central Asia. Each relationship is too consequential to risk.
Public health experts believe that Bangladesh, despite having a good record of conducting vaccination programs, has failed in the case of the Covid jabs because of its earlier reliance on a single vaccine, writes Rakib Al Hasan for South Asia Monitor
If the Afghan government can accurately manage the spontaneous movements of the people and prevent them from becoming mere tools for the warlords, not only can it create a new front against the Taliban, but also mobilize public opinion to a large extent, as it is already doing to some extent, writes Saleem Payenda for South Asia Monitor
Unless Kashmir moves towards democratic governance - and New Delhi is able to reach some kind of modus vivendi over it with Islamabad - it will remain vulnerable to extremist influences and spillovers from the notorious AfPak terror sanctuaries, writes Tarun Basu for South Asia Monitor
The US will realize its strategic blunder of surrendering Afghanistan to the Taliban after the entire Af-Pak-Iran region comes under Chinese influence, writes Lt Gen Prakash Katoch (Retd) for South Asia Monitor
Hamstrung by the shortage of digitally skilled hands, Japan needs to rope in digital talents from India that constitutes one of the biggest digital talent pools, writes S. Majumder for South Asia Monitor
India has to reflect on its own conduct vis-à-vis smaller neighbors including Sri Lanka to have some idea of why country after country it had counted as friends are leaning towards China, writes M.R. Narayan Swamy for South Asia Monitor
Bangladesh cannot solve the Rohingya crisis alone; the international community should come forward in implementing the promised humanitarian actions and work in coordination with Bangladesh to find a durable solution to the festering problem, writes Shaikh Abdur Rahman for South Asia Monitor
This pandemic has awakened us up to the reality that no nation is safe, whether powerful or weak, when nature unleashes its fury. However, it also presents an opportunity where no citizen of any nation is weak if they are determined to live in a better and cleaner environment, writes Dr. Prachi Aggarwal for South Asia Monitor
Pakistanis call Karachi 'Mini Bangladesh'. There are about 132 Bengali colonies in and around Karachi, the largest city in Pakistan, writes Rakib Al Hasan for South Asia Monitor
Although the Taliban has captured at least 33 district centers in the last two months, they have no capacity, manpower, and resources to run big cities. They had tried in the past and failed miserably, writes Shraddha Nand Bhatnagar for South Asia Monitor
If GCC countries other than UAE -- like Saudi Arabia and Oman -- can emerge as important cricketing venues, their soft power appeal is likely to further get strengthened, especially vis-à-vis South Asia, writes Tridivesh Singh Maini for South Asia Monitor
The government needs to decentralize health administration by empowering local health infrastructure for a fair distribution of vaccine doses so that they penetrate hard-to-reach groups, write Abhinav Mehrotra and Dr. Biswanath Gupta for South Asia Monitor
Whether the Taliban will accept Karzai, a man with considerable charisma, distinctive and much written about capes and lambskin hat, is still not clear. But he has struck a highly conciliatory note, writes Mahendra Ved for South Asia Monitor
While South Asia has to grapple with deep-seated inequalities and vulnerabilities, the pandemic also provides an opportunity to find a path towards a more equitable and robust recovery, writes Partha Pratim Mitra for South Asia Monitor
The P 305 tragedy ought to be the catalyst for radical reforms in India's offshore support sector, writes Commander Anand B Kulkarni (retd) for South Asia Monitor
