The threat from ISIS-K is real and growing. A resurgence in Pakistan would have serious implications for the broader region, including India. The danger is compounded if Pakistan once again attempts to clandestinely redirect ISIS-K towards Kashmir. What may appear as an isolated terror incident is, in fact, part of a wider pattern that demands sustained vigilance. Pakistan’s internal security instability risks creating openings for cross-border terror movements, potentially hardening new militant modules aimed at India and beyond.
The optimistic view is that the “Twin Election” will force a compromise. The referendum provides a mandate for reform that even a BNP government cannot ignore. The “July Charter”, if ratified, creates checks on executive power that did not exist before. The students, even if they end up on the opposition benches, will form a moral pressure group that cannot be easily crushed. The cynical view is that Bangladesh is merely swapping a monopoly for a duopoly, or worse, a monopoly of a different colour.
All signs point to a BNP victory. In a competitive contest without the Awami League, the BNP’s organisational depth and electoral reach make it the frontrunner. Yet victory alone may not translate into authority. The absence of the Awami League, the continued influence of Sheikh Hasina from exile, the rise of Islamist alternatives, and the central role of unelected institutions mean that any new government will inherit a fractured polity. The 2026 election may revive the BNP’s fortunes, but it will not by itself heal Bangladesh’s democratic wounds.
Ultimately, Bangladesh’s absence from the 10th edition of the T20 World Cup was the result of the BCCI’s ego and the ICC’s double standards where power politics and selective decision-making outweighed fairness and sporting integrity. Although many view the Pakistan Cricket Board’s support for Bangladesh positively, in reality it is also a strategic move to counter India for its own strategic benefit. If the match is boycotted, Bangladesh will suffer even greater financial and administrative losses.
The irony is that Manipur is where the Chinese and American interests coincide against India. But the need is to look at ourselves in the mirror. If we provide a readymade asymmetric battlefield to overt or covert inimical forces, why would they not exploit it?
The combative rise of China has challenged US hegemony in global relations. In such a world, the crafting of a foreign policy that ensures national security requires vigilance, patience, caution, economic and military clout, and more importantly, constant risk management that enables India to maintain its strategic autonomy.
Many fear that the Balochistan situation could lead to a 1971-like crisis that split the country due to centralised power, military operations against civilians, and foreign overreach. Why, then, have these lessons not been learned?
The ethnic cleansing under Biren Singh’s watch broke all records – Kuki-Zo women paraded naked and subjected to mass rape publicly, with some token FIRs. This is also viewed as the reason why Prime Minister Narendra Modi has avoided visiting violence-stricken Manipur in the past 16 months.
The Kolkata case is a stark reminder of the persistent failures of India's criminal justice system in addressing sexual violence against women. To truly address the issue of rape in India, there must be a holistic approach that includes legal reforms
South Asia’s quest for gold medals at the 2028 Olympics requires a strategic and collaborative effort. By learning from the successes of sports legends like Michael Phelps and Caeleb Dressel, and addressing key areas such as infrastructure, coaching, and talent development, South Asia can enhance its Olympic performance.
The lesson from the Bangladesh protests reaffirm the fact that governments and their agencies should handle grievances of citizens promptly, with sincerity and fairness, or retributive justice will follow that is unhealthy for democracy. Currently, it is imperative for internal peace along with cultural safety to be restored in Bangladesh, or the nation will drift miles away from democracy.
There is a strong case to develop MVI for all countries of South Asia based on climate and other vulnerability indicators so that these countries could access and channelise green finance to fulfil their SDG goals.
BNP’s push for early elections, Jamaat-e-Islami’s need for time to rebuild, the ambitions of smaller parties, and the rise of new political forces from the anti-discrimination movement all contribute to a highly volatile and unpredictable political environment.
The reign of the "hybrid government" in Pakistan has ended with Gen Munir's military wresting its socio-economic and political control. The arrest of the former ISI spymaster has been made into an example for those who dared act against the military.
The contrast between the Ambani wedding and the lives of millions of Indians struggling to meet basic needs is a stark indictment of this inequality. While the former was a celebration of excess, the latter is a grim reality marked by poverty, hunger, and lack of access to essential services.
For South Asia, particularly Pakistan, this fragmentation poses challenges but also opportunities. Pakistan’s strategic investments in its digital infrastructure, supported by both Chinese and Western technologies, could position it as a bridge between these emerging digital spheres. By fostering regional connectivity and digital cooperation, Pakistan can mitigate the risks of fragmentation and ensure that its digital economy continues to thrive in a multipolar world.
India needs to have a robust competitive framework where political parties ideate, brainstorm and debate on how to give more teeth to the Ministry of Environment Forest and Climate Change(MoEFCC), create bodies like the USA's EPA and ensure all environmental laws, disaster management work in tandem under the Gaia’s hypothesis highlighting the “One-Health Approach”.
Apart from being the largest country in the region in terms of geography and economy, New Delhi’s responsibilities as an important player in South Asia also rest on its efforts to improve the region's social and economic parameters.
India offered unqualified support to Hasina over the last decade or so. For India, it will be a major challenge to see how it builds a relationship when a new democratic government emerges in Bangladesh. China had invested more in infrastructure in Bangladesh in the last decade or so; and the relationship was improving. But it did not interfere in domestic political issues.
