However, evolving regional dynamics, particularly China’s expansion and Pakistan’s tactical nuclear developments, continue to test the durability and interpretation of this doctrine. While India has officially reiterated its commitment to No First Use, debates persist within strategic circles about its future applicability under extreme scenarios.
The significance of Shisir Khanal’s visit therefore lies not only in the agreements reached but in the broader message it conveyed. Both Kathmandu and New Delhi are signalling a willingness to move beyond the grievances and suspicions that have periodically defined their interactions. If the emphasis on development diplomacy, economic integration, and pragmatic cooperation is sustained, the current moment could indeed mark the beginning of a new chapter in India–Nepal relations.
This is also the terrain through which the US 62 billion China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) traverses, facing security threats from north to south, losing men and material in attacks by militants. That being the case, the US entry brings in another global player, ready to guard its interests against China’s looming presence. Is the South Asian region headed for a proxy war?
This contradiction—peace abroad, repression at home—defines Pakistan’s current posture. While Islamabad seeks international recognition as a mediator, its domestic record is marred by bloodshed and denial of democracy. The JAAC movement, rooted in basic economic grievances, has become a symbol of resistance against this hypocrisy.
If Nepal’s political parties cannot provide a functioning and trustworthy alternative, the longing for the past—however problematic—will continue to grow. For democracy to survive and thrive in Nepal, it must deliver not just procedures and elections, but stability, accountability, and a renewed social contract with the people.
A nation's power today is judged not just by its military or economy but also by the credibility, speed, and resonance of its narrative. As adversaries evolve their hybrid warfare strategies to target public opinion, social trust, and international perception, India must develop a narrative response architecture that is anticipatory rather than reactive
Flashforward from 1971 to 2025 to a Pakistan facing almost the same kind of problems that it was facing in 1971: same intrusions of military in public affairs, same hopelessness, same corruption, same or more inflation and, most importantly, the same threat of rebellion.
The warm reception given to Pakistan's Army Chief in Washington is more than symbolic. It indicates Washington's strategic calculation—that India, despite its rhetoric, is becoming a more problematic partner. Washington, while not forsaking India, is hedging its bets. Its embrace of Pakistan is a backup plan.
India’s states play an outsized role in public spending accounting for nearly +/- 60% of total government expenditure. However, their fiscal health varies greatly across pan India. As someone closely observing both macroeconomic trends and grassroots governance models, I notice a growing divide between states that follow prudent fiscal practices and those still trapped in populist spending cycles.
When democracies embrace the traits of war economies and view peace as a sign of weakness, we need to question not about those who benefit from war, but rather about those who continue to engage in it. Not only does it include safety, but it also includes power, contracts, careers, and control.
The age of overt, high-visibility strikes is diminishing in returns. Covert operations, cyber infiltration, and disrupting terror logistics silently deliver greater impact at a lower political cost. India needs to establish a dedicated Psychological and Information Warfare Command, rather than relying solely on MEA press briefings or tweets from leaders.
BRICS has the potential—and perhaps the will. Ahead of COP30, it should convene a high-level “Redefining Climate Summit” with other like-minded nations invited to the BRICS table. Let the world know: BRICS can indeed build the force to break the climate blockade. The clock is not ticking anymore. It’s screaming.
BRICS represents more than just an economic grouping; it symbolizes the emergence of agency in the Global South. For too long, the contours of the world order were drawn in the boardrooms of Washington, London, and Brussels. That era is drawing to a close.
A sharp 60% drop in Chinese rare earth exports this April disrupted Indian electric vehicle manufacturing—highlighting just how brittle alternative supply routes still are. Despite diplomatic friction, India lacks the industrial depth to delink quickly from China
It may be a little too early to declare economic recovery, but certainly the growing forex reserve, remittance inflow, and surging exports are symptoms of the recovery that Bangladesh is aiming for. Bangladesh appears on the right track, though many other challenges remain.
Modi’s tour is, therefore, more than a series of diplomatic engagements; it is a declaration of India’s readiness to lead, collaborate, and contribute to shaping a just and inclusive global order. By leveraging historical ties, cultural affinity, technological strengths, and political goodwill, India is expanding its diplomatic footprint across the Global South.
The future of the South Asian region depends on building economies that are not just fast-growing, but fair. Ethical entrepreneurship and public oversight must go hand-in-hand. If the billionaires of today wish to be remembered not merely as tycoons, but as visionaries, their empires must rest on more than wealth. They must rest on justice.
With Pakistan's legal challenge still underway and India building hydro-assets and fortifying its strategic position, a dangerous legal and diplomatic standoff is brewing. Simultaneously, China's upstream ambitions introduce a parallel set of water-power dynamics that could dictate the future of Himalayan water governance.
Sultana Siddiqui has always strongly favoured the inclusion of cross-border talent in Pakistani and Indian cultural productions. She has participated in various bilateral conferences and meetings, including those organised by Aman Ki Asha (Hope for Peace), a joint platform initiated in 2010 by the two biggest media groups of India and Pakistan respectively.
