Bangladesh's leaders struggled to protect people's right to vote when they were out of power; in power, they continue their attempts to deprive them of the right to vote, writes Aashish Kiphayet for South Asia Monitor
Neither Bangladesh nor India — including West Bengal — is likely to fully concede its position. The future instead lies in pragmatic compromise, where domestic political constraints are balanced against the imperatives of regional cooperation. Ultimately, the trajectory of India–Bangladesh relations will depend less on identity politics and more on whether both sides can align economic necessity with political will.
The broader reality is that even if a political understanding emerges, restoring confidence in the Strait may take far longer than restoring a ceasefire. Shipping markets operate as much on perception of risk as on military realities. Tanker operators, insurers, charterers, and energy traders require predictability — and that predictability is currently absent.
New Delhi now occupies an awkward middle space: not fully trusted by the West, yet no longer fully aligned with the broader Global South consensus either. That ambiguity becomes riskier if Washington and Beijing move into even a temporary phase of strategic stabilisation.
The major bilateral issue is border security and management. While India claims that millions of Bangladeshis enter India illegally, reside and work here, Bangladesh dismisses that contention outright, saying that as their per capita income was higher than India’s, there was no reason for economic migration from Bangladesh to India.
Bangladesh's leaders struggled to protect people's right to vote when they were out of power; in power, they continue their attempts to deprive them of the right to vote, writes Aashish Kiphayet for South Asia Monitor
If only the leaders in both India and Pakistan would listen for once to the voices of young people and the dreamers, and not be swayed by the fanatics, no time can be short enough to make a new beginning, not just for India and Pakistan, but for the two billion people of South Asia, writes Tarun Basu for South Asia Monitor
The reality is that Delhi had forfeited the tactical advantage that the Indian Army had acquired at considerable cost, to ostensibly facilitate the negotiations with China. However, despite multiple rounds of talks, the PLA has not moved back from all the areas that it had intruded into along the LAC, writes Cmde C Uday Bhaskar (retd) for South Asia Monitor
Bangladesh is a miracle story, while Sri Lanka and Pakistan are disaster tales, writes John Rozario for South Asia Monitor
Yameen’s ‘India Out’ campaign is centred on his firm belief that independent of change of governments and leaderships in New Delhi, India was against his becoming president, writes N. Sathiya Moorthy for South Asia Monitor
Even in these dark times, one can see bright rays of communal harmony. One only hopes these trends are encouraged and divisive loudmouths are punished, writes Dr Ram Puniyani for South Asia Monitor
Museums and art galleries are the preserves of the common heritage of South Asia, and it is a pity these are often destructively targeted during political conflicts, writes Mahendra Ved for South Asia Monitor
In another CSDS study of post-poll analysis after the 2019 Lok Sabha elections, it was found that between 2014 and 2019 support for the BJP among Dalits, Adivasis and Other Backward Class has more than doubled, writes Dr Ram Puniyani for South Asia Monitor
Unlike many other South Asian countries, Bangladesh's prudent and selective engagement with China's BRI has helped Dhaka avoid debt problems, writes Sheikh Abdur Rahman for South Asia Monitor
Bangladesh may not face the same situation as Sri Lanka in the near future but it has considerable weaknesses in its economy and good-governance processes, writes Aashish Kiphayet for South Asia Monitor
The allure of Russian oil for India, however, is more than the imperatives of energy security. It also has deep stakes with $16 billion of investments in various oil and gas projects in Russia, writes N. Chandra Mohan for South Asian Monitor
Given that Sri Lanka has a post-independence history of episodic JVP militancy in 1971 and 1987, there is concern about the direction the street protests may take, writes N. Sathiya Moorthy for South Asia Monitor
On two counts – annoying Army and America, two of the three pillars on which Pakistan’s polity stands -- may block Imran Khan's future comeback. Only the third, Allah, can help, writes Mahendra Ved for South Asia Monitor
Bangladesh has very strong leadership, pragmatic fiscal policy and foreign reserves. The Sri Lankan case is totally different, writes Mehjabin Bhanu for South Asia Monitor
From within the Muslim community there are extremist elements who in the name of Islam provide much-needed provocations to majoritarian politics, writes Dr Ram Puniyani for South Asia Monitor