If one location matters most to India in Sri Lanka, it is Trincomalee. With one of the finest natural harbours in the world, Trincomalee has immense commercial, naval, and energy value. For decades, strategists in New Delhi have viewed it as critical to the security architecture of the Bay of Bengal.
South Asia cannot remain an archipelago of isolated economies connected only by shared history and mutual suspicion. Changing acronyms does not change reality. Summit declarations will not achieve true economic integration. True integration requires the political courage to dismantle physical and bureaucratic walls. Only then will the region stop holding its immense potential captive.
The resultant reduced trust signals a declining democratic discourse that should be the biggest worry for the nation at this stage. The bill that failed thus tells the deeper story of all that is going wrong in the Indian democracy, bit by bit, in areas that are clearly visible and sometimes in many invisible ways.
Manipur today is not merely a regional crisis. It is a test of India’s democratic resilience. It highlights the limits of governance models that prioritize control over consensus. Without a shift toward genuine political engagement that addresses the fears, rights, and representation of all communities, the conflict will persist and resurface with greater intensity.
This is not an argument against the personal faith of soldiers, nor a denial of the cultural identity of the majority. It is an argument for institutional restraint, for secular professionalism, and for recognizing that the military must represent all Indians, not only the largest community or the ruling party’s ideological core.
On the evening of 10th November, a car exploded near Delhi’s Red Fort which took the lives of 13 people. Within the next six hours of the explosion, a confessional video in perfect Hindi language from Jaish-e-Muhammad starts circulating on WhatsApp and national television in India. In the next 12 hours the video had been seen by 40 million people. But what made it intriguing was that within 24 hours many of the AI detection tools marked the video 99.9% synthetic.
The ISI–LeT nexus remains the most destabilizing factor in South Asia’s security architecture. With Pakistan actively leveraging its ideological networks in Bangladesh, the region faces the prospect of a renewed wave of cross-border terrorism. The alignment of extremist elements across Pakistan and Bangladesh not only threatens India’s national security but also endangers the stability of the entire subcontinent.
Iran’s influence among Shia communities across South Asia represents an additional layer reinforcing its position in the Muslim world—one that has not been decisively weakened by the 12-day conflict. On the contrary, anti-Israel and, in some cases, anti-Western sentiments among South Asian Muslims have intensified, offering Tehran new opportunities to leverage these emotions in favour of its strategic endgame.
Perhaps the gravest failure of the UNFCCC process is its lack of accountability. As Guterres stated, “It’s no longer time for negotiations. It’s time for implementation.” But what happens when countries do not implement? Seventy-nine countries have yet to submit their 2025 NDCs—even after extended deadlines. Surprisingly, this includes India, the only major economy not to submit revised NDCs, and the only South Asian country (excluding Afghanistan) yet to do so. These NDCs were critical for initiating the New Collective Quantified Goal (NCQG).
Walk into a gathering of South Asians abroad, in the U.S., the Gulf, Europe, and you will see Akhand Bharat in its simplest form. People do not ask, “Are you Indian or Pakistani?” They connect over language, food, festivals, music, accents, humour, and the familiar comfort of shared culture. A Tamilian and a Sindhi, a Bengali and a Pashtun, a Punjabi Hindu and a Pakistani Muslim, outside the subcontinent, they all recognise the common civilisational thread instantly. What divides them here, unites them there.
Handing over strategic projects in Balochistan to China or the US raises serious concerns of neo-colonialism. Both states pursue imperialist designs and expansionist ambitions to protect their own interests, which could further inflame the insurgency and unrest in the province. The state is playing with fire and must carefully reconsider its approach to such a sensitive region.
The condition of Afghan women remains a moral boundary influencing the extent of India’s cooperation. And Afghanistan’s strategic relevance—access to Central Asia, regional security, and geopolitical influence—remains as important as ever. India’s present policy appears guided by the belief that sustained presence and dialogue, rather than isolation, offer the best chance of protecting long-term stability, influence, and national interests.
The Yunus regime insists that general elections will be held in February 2026. Few serious analysts believe this promise. There is a growing belief that Yunus, with backing from Pakistan, Turkey, segments of the EU, and parts of the US establishment, plans to remain in power indefinitely. Barring secular and leftist parties from participating is part of this plan. The election timetable is a smokescreen
When minorities feel alienated or discriminated against, their distrust of state institutions grows, undermining the social fabric essential for national security. Strengthening this fabric involves upholding constitutional equality and ensuring no community feels marginalised. By fully integrating minorities as valued members of the national community, India can diminish the impact of radical ideologies and foster a genuinely resilient society united against terror threats.
Beyond India–Bhutan relations, the visit conveys a wider message to South Asia: cooperation grounded in respect, development, and stability remains essential in an uncertain global environment. As the region evolves, India appears to recognize the importance of maintaining strong partnerships without pressuring smaller neighbors or escalating strategic competition.
The involvement of four doctors, one of whom allegedly executed the Red Fort blast, indicates a model that blends 'inspired' radicalisation with limited external facilitation. Interactions with certain outfits, Kashmiri terror commanders, and external handlers—if confirmed—point to an infrastructure that encourages attacks while maintaining plausible deniability.
It is time for India, along with like-minded nations across Asia, Africa, and Latin America, to articulate a shared agenda of non-alignment 2.0, not as a posture of neutrality but as a strategy of autonomy. The original Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) emerged from the Cold War’s bipolar tension; its modern counterpart must respond to multipolar volatility.
The world over, as is evident from the Atlas of endangered languages, there is a thrust of the dominant languages taking a precedence and most of the endangered languages are likely to disappear by 2100. Soon, possibly in the near future, the grand and great grand-children of the present generation may not be able to tell the story of their own mother tongue. Some of these languages will be lost forever and will only be limited to the pages of gazetteers and history books.
Only by asserting ownership over data and algorithms can the South escape serving as the North’s digital underclass. The path forward demands digital decolonization—a reimagining of technology not as an instrument of extraction, but as a platform for justice, inclusion, and shared prosperity. The struggle for sovereignty has moved from the soil to the server.
