South Asia has the potential to be a global digital leader. It has a young population and a booming tech industry. However, this potential will only be realized if the region is secure. We must treat cybersecurity as a pillar of national security, just like border defense. This requires better technology, smarter laws, and stronger regional ties. The digital threats of 2026 are fast and complex. To meet them, South Asia must be faster and more united. The time to build a collective digital shield is now, before the next major crisis occurs.
Yet the strategic costs are real. Reduced engagement in Bangladesh risks ceding influence at a moment when Dhaka is actively diversifying its partnerships. Hesitation over Chabahar weakens India’s leverage in Iran and Central Asia and underscores its vulnerability to US pressure even as it seeks a more multipolar foreign policy. The 2026–27 Budget does not signal a dramatic shift in Indian foreign policy. There is no abandonment of neighbours-first rhetoric or of connectivity-led diplomacy. What it reveals instead is a narrowing circle of feasible economic action.
The ideals of 1971 represent inclusivity, human dignity, and resistance to oppression. Baul and Sufi traditions reject radical views and promote humanism and coexistence. Islam in Bengal arrived largely through Sufis—from Persia, Arabia, and Central Asia—who emphasized spirituality, tolerance, and accommodation. These traditions resonated with local Hindu practices and gave rise to syncretic forms such as Baul philosophy. Rabindranath Tagore and Nazrul Islam embodied this civilizational synthesis.
Bangladesh is almost entirely surrounded by India, with Myanmar forming a smaller eastern frontier. India remains the dominant regional power and Bangladesh’s most consequential neighbor in economic, cultural, and security terms. Any American strategy in Bangladesh that ignores India is inherently flawed. Aligning regionally with Pakistan—a country with which Bangladesh shares a traumatic history—offers Washington no meaningful strategic advantage in Dhaka.
The condition of Afghan women remains a moral boundary influencing the extent of India’s cooperation. And Afghanistan’s strategic relevance—access to Central Asia, regional security, and geopolitical influence—remains as important as ever. India’s present policy appears guided by the belief that sustained presence and dialogue, rather than isolation, offer the best chance of protecting long-term stability, influence, and national interests.
The Yunus regime insists that general elections will be held in February 2026. Few serious analysts believe this promise. There is a growing belief that Yunus, with backing from Pakistan, Turkey, segments of the EU, and parts of the US establishment, plans to remain in power indefinitely. Barring secular and leftist parties from participating is part of this plan. The election timetable is a smokescreen
When minorities feel alienated or discriminated against, their distrust of state institutions grows, undermining the social fabric essential for national security. Strengthening this fabric involves upholding constitutional equality and ensuring no community feels marginalised. By fully integrating minorities as valued members of the national community, India can diminish the impact of radical ideologies and foster a genuinely resilient society united against terror threats.
Beyond India–Bhutan relations, the visit conveys a wider message to South Asia: cooperation grounded in respect, development, and stability remains essential in an uncertain global environment. As the region evolves, India appears to recognize the importance of maintaining strong partnerships without pressuring smaller neighbors or escalating strategic competition.
The involvement of four doctors, one of whom allegedly executed the Red Fort blast, indicates a model that blends 'inspired' radicalisation with limited external facilitation. Interactions with certain outfits, Kashmiri terror commanders, and external handlers—if confirmed—point to an infrastructure that encourages attacks while maintaining plausible deniability.
It is time for India, along with like-minded nations across Asia, Africa, and Latin America, to articulate a shared agenda of non-alignment 2.0, not as a posture of neutrality but as a strategy of autonomy. The original Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) emerged from the Cold War’s bipolar tension; its modern counterpart must respond to multipolar volatility.
The world over, as is evident from the Atlas of endangered languages, there is a thrust of the dominant languages taking a precedence and most of the endangered languages are likely to disappear by 2100. Soon, possibly in the near future, the grand and great grand-children of the present generation may not be able to tell the story of their own mother tongue. Some of these languages will be lost forever and will only be limited to the pages of gazetteers and history books.
Only by asserting ownership over data and algorithms can the South escape serving as the North’s digital underclass. The path forward demands digital decolonization—a reimagining of technology not as an instrument of extraction, but as a platform for justice, inclusion, and shared prosperity. The struggle for sovereignty has moved from the soil to the server.
India provides valuable lessons. Despite its complex religious, linguistic, and ethnic diversity, India has preserved unity through a robust constitutional framework, civic nationalism, and legal consistency. Even contentious debates from population balance to cultural identity are ultimately rooted in democratic institutions. Western democracies can learn from this: pluralism prospers only when supported by strong governance and well-defined civic responsibilities.
After an uprising in 2024, Bangladesh is currently walking on the path to its national election in early 2026. If the ousted Awami League and its allies remain ineligible to participate in the next parliamentary election, ultimately, the central question remains: how will their huge number of supporters exercise their right to vote? Excluding a major political ideology from the electoral process risks making the election less inclusive and could generate new tensions
South Asia’s climate finance story reflects a familiar paradox: abundant potential constrained by institutional inertia. Carbon credit can reprice the region’s natural capital, transforming rural landscapes into financial assets. Yet credibility, governance, and inclusivity will define their success. For now, Morgan Stanley observes “ For millions of farmers across South Asia, that credibility is the difference between surviving climate volatility and profiting from combating it.
India’s goal is clear: to be among the few nations that do not merely consume technology but create and govern it. With its scale, talent, and democratic legitimacy, India is poised to emerge as a true digital superpower—one that shapes, not follows, the rules of the multipolar world.
India’s position in the US-Russia-China tri-polar wrestling arena in 2025 is that of a clever, determined, and autonomous contender. It refuses to be pinned by Beijing’s might, Washington’s transactional approach, or Moscow’s nostalgia. Every move, whether economic, diplomatic, or military, is carefully calculated to preserve its space, grow its influence, and keep the balance constantly shifting.
Muhammad Yunus has not yet successfully connected with the broader public or the key grassroots actors of the July movement, creating a perceptible disconnect. Without national consensus, holding peaceful and participatory elections remains difficult. Excluding the deposed ruling party from upcoming elections could undermine political inclusivity, depress voter turnout, and trigger unrest.
The wars of the future will not be decided solely on land, sea, or air. They will be fought in code, space, and circuits. Nations that dominate these domains will command not just battlefields but geopolitics itself. The contest will be for speed of learning, adapting, and deploying innovation.
