The current strains in Bangladesh–India relations should therefore be seen not as an inevitable deterioration, but as a test of diplomatic maturity. Bangladesh and India share more than geography and history; they share a responsibility to ensure that temporary political frictions do not harden into structural mistrust. In a time of regional uncertainty, neither country benefits from a relationship defined by grievance or miscommunication.
The 27th Amendment, celebrated by its proponents as a security reform, is in reality a political coup executed through constitutional means. It marks not only Munir’s personal triumph but the institutional victory of the military over all other state authorities. As history warns, empowering any unelected institution above the republic’s elected will invites instability—not strength. Pakistan may soon discover that consolidating military power does not secure the nation’s future, but instead places it at greater risk
India must now transition from conventional soft-power thinking to visibility governance—the systematic management of how the country appears, circulates, and is emotionally interpreted across global platforms. Failure to do so will leave India’s global image increasingly shaped by commercial incentives outside Indian control.
The strengthening of Taliban-India ties runs counter to Pakistan’s interests. The more border clashes intensify between the Taliban and Pakistan, the more secure the Kashmir region and the Line of Control (LoC) become for India. Under such conditions, Pakistan will remain preoccupied with its northwestern border, giving India a unique opportunity to consolidate its control over Kashmir and potentially weaken, drive out, or eliminate Kashmiri militant groups
Bihar's 2025 electoral revision controversy is not only a national alarm bell but reveals how easily democratic process can be exclusionary under the guise of order; how silence can mask erasure. To preserve democracy, India must reimagine governance not as a gatekeeper of rights but as a facilitator of justice; it must transition from exclusionary governance to one rooted in dignity, justice, and participation, as voting is not just a right but recognition.
A hug, even an awkward or forced one, between Modi and any world leader, particularly Trump will have no bearing on his policy however much he continues to refer to both India and the prime minister as his friend. At best, it is a lip-deep expression that so many Indians, both here in America and in India, have treated as an article of faith. It is anything but that.
This client-state relationship is critical for the illusionary perseverance of Pakistani relevance. Pakistan becomes indispensable not because it is reliable, but because it's situationally useful. The US, China, and Gulf states don’t expect consistency, they expect deliverables. As long as Pakistan delivers (or threatens to disrupt), it retains leverage.
Trump’s renewed tariff war may upend the global trade landscape once again, but India is well-positioned to weather the storm. Its strong domestic economic fundamentals, relatively low dependence on merchandise exports for GDP growth, and diversified export base put it at a strategic advantage—particularly over export-heavy rivals like Vietnam and China.
The repressive nature of the Taliban government along with the absence of a credible international enforcement mechanism for human rights have left Afghan women in despair. Publicly rejecting the ICC ruling and lack of enforcement mechanism of such organizations might set an example to other ideologically resistant countries that global norms can be discarded without consequences.
India has extended a $1 billion credit line for Sri Lanka by one year. Given these realities, Sri Lanka’s path to stability must be built in close collaboration with India. This is more than an economic necessity; it is a strategic recalibration. Working with India also brings Sri Lanka closer to meeting U.S. expectations while balancing regional interests.
The recent India-Pakistan conflict, China’s support for the latter, and China’s growing footprints in South Asia – clearly aimed at undercutting India and keeping New Delhi tied down in its immediate neighbourhood -- cannot be overlooked. Recently, China has proposed an alternative to the defunct SAARC organisation Beijing is also trying to build up a China-Bangladesh-Pakistan trilateral.
If Nepal’s political parties cannot provide a functioning and trustworthy alternative, the longing for the past—however problematic—will continue to grow. For democracy to survive and thrive in Nepal, it must deliver not just procedures and elections, but stability, accountability, and a renewed social contract with the people.
A nation's power today is judged not just by its military or economy but also by the credibility, speed, and resonance of its narrative. As adversaries evolve their hybrid warfare strategies to target public opinion, social trust, and international perception, India must develop a narrative response architecture that is anticipatory rather than reactive
Flashforward from 1971 to 2025 to a Pakistan facing almost the same kind of problems that it was facing in 1971: same intrusions of military in public affairs, same hopelessness, same corruption, same or more inflation and, most importantly, the same threat of rebellion.
The warm reception given to Pakistan's Army Chief in Washington is more than symbolic. It indicates Washington's strategic calculation—that India, despite its rhetoric, is becoming a more problematic partner. Washington, while not forsaking India, is hedging its bets. Its embrace of Pakistan is a backup plan.
India’s states play an outsized role in public spending accounting for nearly +/- 60% of total government expenditure. However, their fiscal health varies greatly across pan India. As someone closely observing both macroeconomic trends and grassroots governance models, I notice a growing divide between states that follow prudent fiscal practices and those still trapped in populist spending cycles.
When democracies embrace the traits of war economies and view peace as a sign of weakness, we need to question not about those who benefit from war, but rather about those who continue to engage in it. Not only does it include safety, but it also includes power, contracts, careers, and control.
The age of overt, high-visibility strikes is diminishing in returns. Covert operations, cyber infiltration, and disrupting terror logistics silently deliver greater impact at a lower political cost. India needs to establish a dedicated Psychological and Information Warfare Command, rather than relying solely on MEA press briefings or tweets from leaders.
BRICS has the potential—and perhaps the will. Ahead of COP30, it should convene a high-level “Redefining Climate Summit” with other like-minded nations invited to the BRICS table. Let the world know: BRICS can indeed build the force to break the climate blockade. The clock is not ticking anymore. It’s screaming.
