The current war has exposed Bangladesh’s structural vulnerabilities: dependence on imported energy, fragile reserves, and narrow fiscal space. For the new government, the stakes are clear—stabilize fuel and food supplies now while building resilience through diversified energy, broader exports, and stronger social protection. Wars in the Gulf may be fought thousands of miles away, but their economic shockwaves reach Bangladesh within days. In the end, the crisis will be felt in three simple pressures shaping everyday life: oil prices, food costs, and migrant jobs.
This crisis did not emerge overnight. It is a product of neglecting the foundational capacity to invest in human capital, where Pakistan hardly puts less than 2% of its national GDP on human capital factors. Meanwhile, the regional peers like Bangladesh and India invest more in education and health, and Pakistan is still trapped in a cycle of short-term fiscal thinking, political instability, and elite capture that is systematically hollowing out the nation’s potential to rise and grow.
In 2026, the “strategic autonomy” that we so often discuss must evolve from a defensive crouch to a balanced offensive infrastructure play. India’s success will be measured by its ability to convince the Trump administration that a stable, digitally-sovereign BRICS is actually a better trade partner than a chaotic, bankrupt one.
Yunus created a suffocating atmosphere in Bangladesh by pushing the country towards the fate of a Caliphate, threatening the nation’s Bengali soul. Simultaneously, he weaponized the ICT and turned it into an instrument of targeting Sheikh Hasina by appointing Jamaat-e-Islami leaders into key positions in it. As a result, Hasina was handed death penalty in two cases, while she faces hundreds of murder charges—most of which were lodged by the activists of Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) and Jamaat.
The tragedy of our times is that the South Asian region has the cultural resources to live with diversity. This has, in fact, been its millennial tradition. Despite these cultural resources, the region is mired in majority-minority conflicts that can be debilitating.
Transcending narrow geographical borders, handicrafts often make their own presence felt as a representation of humanity, connecting communities. One such important handicraft item is the dry grass mats of the region of South Asia
Indian policymakers should be ready for the next phase of synchronized China-Pakistan actions to undermine India.
The situation however has been somewhat different in certain countries of South Asia which have raised resources through external borrowings despite having current account deficits - Afghanistan, Maldives, Bhutan, Nepal Pakistan, and Sri Lanka. Caution needs to be exercised by them in resorting to such borrowings.
The salvation for Pakistan’s body politic, wherein democracy is aspired by those who are not democrats themselves, may remain unfortunately with the men in uniform.
There is no light at the end of the repatriation tunnel; one must look at other more viable and pragmatic scenarios rather than transporting almost a million people at gunpoint to Rakhine
From religious bigotry in India targeting Muslims, to Sri Lanka’s economic woes and food insecurity, to the plight of the Afghans, particularly women, discussions at the conference took up these and other issues like the impact of climate change, press freedom and creeping censorship, to transgender rights, enforced disappearances, and arbitrary detentions.
India annually celebrated major festival days of all faiths, but these festivities are largely confined to their believers. If those communities, however, were to become more open to secular participation on the principle that if faiths are for believers, associated festivities are for all to enjoy.
Indian and Pakistani politicians can leverage the sport to resolve many outstanding issues between the neighbouring countries, provided there is an honest will on either side and the intentions are well-meaning. And the bilateral series can resume only if a Vajpayee-Musharraf-like initiative is taken by those occupying the highest positions in the two countries.
South Asia must develop a common framework to hold politicians accountable and increase transparency in government dealings. Regional collaboration can reduce vulnerability.
If Myanmar acquires a nuclear capability, it would be a disaster for South and Southeast Asia. A nuclear Myanmar is not in India, China, or other neighbouring countries' interests. Recent border tensions between Myanmar and Bangladesh are the best example to understand the gravity of the situation.
Since Dawood moved to Karachi, the D Company syndicate has expanded incredulously. He is said to have invested over USD $28 billion in assets in Karachi alone and has diversified his businesses in several countries such as India, Morocco, the UK, UAE, Switzerland, Hong Kong, Thailand, Sri Lanka, Italy and France.
The demonstrable success of BBIN cooperation may draw Sri Lanka and Maldives also into its ambit in the near future. India's government and corporate sectors must work together to make BBIN cooperation a success to mutual advantage.
The question also arises – is Delhi losing focus and getting diverted from the AEP by QUAD, Chinese influence on RCEP, and so on. If so then Delhi must decentralise the AEP to make it effective
This doesn’t erase the irrefutable fact that a community that used to align with Kashmiri parties until now was shifting its preferences, the impact of which is bound to be felt in the electoral battle in the forthcoming assembly polls. If the BJP succeeds in reaping the electoral benefits in Jammu & Kashmir, it will have much more to tell the nation ahead of the 2024 polls in the country.
