Building trust within our societies and institutions is paramount, as evidenced by the correlation between trust levels and resilience during crises such as the COVID-19 pandemic.
For India, the failure is particularly significant as its presidency was an opportunity to translate “strategic autonomy”, the current buzzword in foreign policy circles, into multilateral leadership. True, its response is shaped by structural constraints. The country imports more than 85% of its crude oil, much of it from West Asia and Russia. Some nine million of its citizens live in the Gulf. The United States is its largest trading partner. Iran anchors the Chabahar port project and India’s access to Afghanistan and Central Asia. Each relationship is too consequential to risk.
A key consideration for Delhi is Bhutan’s occasional denial or downplay of any Chinese encroachment on its territory, even when satellite data suggests otherwise. This is coupled with a growing perception within Bhutan that India is preventing it from completing its border negotiations with China. Although Thimphu remains closely aligned with Delhi, there is growing interest in expanding its engagement with China.
For India, the opportunity is significant as its robust digital infrastructure and large demographic dividend can create a significant opportunity for adoption and deployment of Artificial Intelligence across sectors, particularly in the care economy. There is an ample room for the development of age-friendly products and services using AI innovation which are of scalable commercial value.
South Asia's higher education ecosystem — with over 1,500 universities and 60 million enrolled learners — is uniquely positioned to absorb and scale new models: work-integrated degrees, on-demand micro-credentials, lifelong learning. The Global South — Africa, Southeast Asia, Latin America, the Middle East — shares the same structural challenges. The solutions that work at scale in India, Bangladesh or Nepal will travel naturally to these geographies.
Building trust within our societies and institutions is paramount, as evidenced by the correlation between trust levels and resilience during crises such as the COVID-19 pandemic.
What is of significance and runs parallel in both the above verdicts is the Supreme Court's innate concern for upholding democratic values in the Indian polity.
The United States wants to keep the South Asian region stable, seeking to neutralize the overdependence of any nation on China. Bangladesh, because of its geostrategic position, is being lured to align Dhaka with Washington’s strategic objective for a free and open Indo-Pacific.
While the contentious Durand Line has become one of the main reasons for cross-border skirmishes between Afghanistan and Pakistan, the Taliban has turned from being seen as an ideological ally that can give Pakistan 'strategic depth' against India, to a troublesome neighbour that is now viewed with deep suspicion.
Since 2019, China has been building 628 dual-use military villages (termed ‘Xiaokang’ or ‘well-off’ villages) along the southern border of the Tibet Autonomous Region (TAR), including inside Bhutan and in Arunachal Pradesh, India.
Diplomatic efforts must be intensified to address the ongoing border situation with China and safeguard Bhutan's sovereignty. It is also imperative to address the unresolved Bhutanese refugee issue and protracted family separation among Bhutanese Americans.
The time has come to drastically curb the unchecked and ultra-constitutional powers of the army chief, subject the intelligence agencies to public scrutiny and accountability, and limit their influence over domestic and foreign policy.
Much more violence could be expected in Manipur, with Meitei radicals waging all-out war against the Kuki-Zo, with Nagas fearing they would be the next target since the Arambai Tenggol alone outnumbers the tribals of Manipur hugely.
The Maldives has undergone a radical transformation. To see this as playing the India or China card would be a miscalculation. Indeed, the strategic narrative of what is going on is very different.
While the NPP’s visit to India exemplifies changes in its political understanding, it has an important dimension in Sri Lanka's domestic politics. New Delhi appears to have judged that the NPP coalition has the potential to play a decisive role in the upcoming presidential election.
The Pakistani military went all out to deliver this vote. Its idea to have direct control of the political situation to what it comprehends will bring stability to Pakistan’s crisis may be a pipe dream with a fractured verdict leaving Pakistan open to elements that will only compound its instability.
Rakhine's lack of effective government structure and civil order will continue to be a significant source of worry for the region, particularly in terms of humanitarian, security, economic, and political issues.
If the Nagas are drawn into the already raging ethnic conflict in Manipur, it would be catastrophic for the border state and have repercussions in the entire northeast of India. The decision to fence the entire India-Myanmar border and cancel the FMR could potentially lead to discontent in Nagaland and Mizoram.
The Maldives case is a vivid example that Beijing is not going to stop its power play in India's neighboring countries. China's aim is crystal clear: to question India's bid for regional leadership.
If India and China are changing, so are many other countries who realise the futility of trying to persuade a bunch of religious fundamentalists, now enjoying absolute power, to change their way of treating their people.