Khamenei’s assassination terminates an epoch of ideological confrontation, yet inaugurates profound uncertainty. Legally and normatively, it imperils protections for sovereign leaders; strategically and politically, it probes Iran’s institutional fortitude; religiously and narratively, it unveils unifying and divisive societal forces. Diplomatic containment—through intermediaries such as Oman or Qatar—must prioritise the transition's fragility without incitement. Absent such prudence, this strike risks catalysing a wider regional conflagration, where initial tactical triumphs yield enduring strategic costs.
The revival of SAARC will not come from dramatic diplomatic breakthroughs. Instead, it will emerge through incremental cooperation in education, digital infrastructure, disaster response and trade facilitation. Crucially, the future of South Asian regionalism may depend on a generation that increasingly experiences the region not through borders but through shared digital, economic and cultural networks.
Trade adjustments between major economies inevitably reverberate beyond bilateral channels. Bangladesh’s potential tariff advantages in textiles could redirect labour-intensive supply chains. Pakistan, operating within the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor framework, may use India’s perceived alignment with Washington to advance its own strategic narratives. China itself will interpret these developments within the broader context of great-power competition and recalibrate its economic and strategic posture accordingly.
A more comprehensive lesson about 21st-century youth politics can be learned from the story taking place between Kathmandu and Dhaka. Gen Z has extraordinary mobilization skills. Protests can grow quickly and upend established power structures thanks to social media networks. But mobilization is insufficient on its own. Successful political transformation requires organization, leadership, and institutional strategy. Nepal’s youth built those structures quickly. Bangladesh’s did not.
Herein lies the paradox of Karnataka. The rest of educated India and the world knows the state mostly through the stories of its tech leaders and the vibrancy of Bengaluru, which has sometimes been voted as the top city to work for many and certainly for IT professionals. On the other hand, the state of Karnataka has become a tinderbox of communal strife.
The concept of 'land-link' has already become operational. Credit is due to Bangladesh and its young foreign minister of state, Shahriar Alam, who has given a new dimension to ties between Northeast India and Bangladesh by showing the immense potential that can be exploited between the two countries by turning limitations into possibilities.
In a way, we are following the path of Pakistan and Sri Lanka. In Pakistan (Islamic nationalism), the hate manufactured against Hindus and Christians did result in their persecution there. In Sri Lanka (Buddhist Sinhala nationalism), Hindus (Tamils), Muslims and Christians have been on the receiving end of the consequences of hate.
The unceasing political chaos and the absence of a national consensus regarding the existential threat that stares Pakistan in the face are deteriorating the already fragile state of affairs. Political instability and economic meltdown not only compounds the system of governance but also create a fertile breeding ground for terrorism.
The rallying of such forces gives rise to fratricidal killings. Adivasis are close-knit groups. Pitting to kill one against the other sponsored by the State gives rise to not just distrust among the members of the group but against the State as well. The enmity that is being created among the Adivasis will have a long-term impact.
India needs to develop a more muscular political, diplomatic and military policy against China, military muscularity being contingent on political will. With clear designs on Indian territory, China cares two hoots about military-to-military cooperation.
The forthcoming SCO Defence Ministers' Meet at New Delhi on April 27-28, followed by the SCO Foreign Ministers Meet in Goa on May 5, and the G20 Summit in September 2023 in New Delhi will have participation by China, where ample scope for bilateral meetings exists. It is high time the Indian defence minister, foreign minister, and prime minister discuss the issue directly with their Chinese counterparts to determine what exactly the Chinese intentions are.
By establishing a bridge between South Asia and Southeast Asia, fostering closer interregional cooperation, and integrating Bangladesh into regional and global value chains, Japan's Bay of Bengal Industrial Growth Belt (BIG-B), an initiative for changing South Asia's economic outlook, can play a significant role in pitching Bangladesh into the center of the regional economy.
During his final weeks, Zafrullah was still thinking of the work that needed to be done. Having been a champion for maternal and child health for more than 50 years, he said we must think about old people and what must be done for the ageing population of Bangladesh.
Next month Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi will be in Sydney for the Quad Summit and would also hold bilateral discussions with Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese, who was in New Delhi barely a month ago, reflecting the rapidly growing strategic partnership. At the meeting, education and research are likely to feature as a topic of discussion.
Afghanistan need not immerse itself in the Pakistan-China camp, as it would provoke India and the US. Afghanistan’s foreign policy now requires preparing for a multilateral relationship, prioritizing the economically driven interests of Afghanistan.
After the 2015 earthquakes in Nepal, human trafficking spiked. There were even early and forced marriages and widows were at risk of receiving unwanted sexual attention. Since there is hardly any gender-neutral discourse to the mitigation of gender-based violence after climate change, attempts are increasingly being made to change the gender-blind discourse on climate change and disaster management.
With Bangladesh gaining a strong presence within South Asia, India has also sought to increase energy cooperation with Bangladesh. This is evident from the Modi-Hasina summit in September last year and India’s aim to expand cooperation and dialogue amongst the BBIN countries (Bangladesh, Bhutan, India and Nepal).
The severity of the period poverty crisis in Sri Lanka calls for immediate action to ensure that the right to dignity of Sri Lankan girls and women is secured. Much responsibility lies in the hands of the government to shape interlinked national policies by correctly recognizing the priorities.
The question is can South Asia's political leadership take that flight of imagination to open the doors to cross-border cultural engagement and let the fusion of regional harmonies create a new cultural identity for South Asia?
