Ultimately, Bangladesh’s absence from the 10th edition of the T20 World Cup was the result of the BCCI’s ego and the ICC’s double standards where power politics and selective decision-making outweighed fairness and sporting integrity. Although many view the Pakistan Cricket Board’s support for Bangladesh positively, in reality it is also a strategic move to counter India for its own strategic benefit. If the match is boycotted, Bangladesh will suffer even greater financial and administrative losses.
Unlike earlier jihadist cells dominated by Pakistani nationals, this unit deliberately recruits women from Indonesia, the Philippines, Uzbekistan, and other foreign countries. Reason behind recruiting non-Pakistani nationals serves a dual purpose: it complicates attribution and shields Pakistan’s security apparatus from direct accountability. Such operational sophistication reflects ISI’s continued role not merely as a passive enabler but as an active architect of jihadist adaptation.
South Asia has the potential to be a global digital leader. It has a young population and a booming tech industry. However, this potential will only be realized if the region is secure. We must treat cybersecurity as a pillar of national security, just like border defense. This requires better technology, smarter laws, and stronger regional ties. The digital threats of 2026 are fast and complex. To meet them, South Asia must be faster and more united. The time to build a collective digital shield is now, before the next major crisis occurs.
Yet the strategic costs are real. Reduced engagement in Bangladesh risks ceding influence at a moment when Dhaka is actively diversifying its partnerships. Hesitation over Chabahar weakens India’s leverage in Iran and Central Asia and underscores its vulnerability to US pressure even as it seeks a more multipolar foreign policy. The 2026–27 Budget does not signal a dramatic shift in Indian foreign policy. There is no abandonment of neighbours-first rhetoric or of connectivity-led diplomacy. What it reveals instead is a narrowing circle of feasible economic action.
China’s message to India is loud and clear that it has absolutely no intention to withdraw soon. It has also proved that the collusive support of China and Pakistan to each other against India has been translated into reality, writes Lt Gen Rameshwar Roy (retd) for South Asia Monitor
Since Bangladesh is among the lowest testing countries, Rohingyas living in these makeshift camps are largely deprived of testing for COVID-19, writes Shanjida Shahab Uddin for South Asia Monitor
Experts feel that the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic has brought about new opportunities for regional cooperation in South Asia with the setting up of an emergency fund of $10 million to fight the pandemic with India's initiative, writes Partha Pratim Mitra for South Asia Monitor
While India never had hegemonistic tendencies, China the ‘middle power’ always wanted to restore its past glory by any means, which included grabbing/occupying land and maritime zones based on its perception of past ownership, writes Lt Gen P R Kumar (retd) for South Asia Monitor
The efficiency of response has varied across India. Kerala, Karnataka, Odisha, Andhra Pradesh, Rajasthan, Punjab, Haryana and the Northeastern states responded well, with strong public health measures combined with empathetic social services, writes Prof. K. Srinath Reddy for South Asia Monitor
China has made all-out efforts to draw Nepal into its strategic sphere and has stoked anti-India feelings, writes Lt Gen P. C. Katoch (retd) for South Asia Monitor
In SAARC political agenda always dominated social and economic issues, whereas in successful regional organizations like ASEAN and EU, socio-economic issues prevailed over politics, writes Aneek Chatterjee for South Asia Monitor
The immediate task is to get the PLA to leave Galwan without loss of face. On the other hand, could this just be the opportunity for the two sides to settle new LACs in the three sectors? writes Mohan Guruswamy for South Asia Monitor
The militants and various violent groups want to suppress the 'voice of reason' and in doing so they target the media with utmost force and hatred. The factor of impunity is one of the main reasons for continued atrocity towards Afghan journalists and media, writes Dr. Sanchita Bhattacharya for South Asia Monitor
With shared concerns over Chinese hegemony, the time is right for a closer engagement between New Delhi and Canberra, writes Amit Dasgupta for South Asia Monitor
What racism is in the world’s oldest democracy, communalism unfortunately is in its largest version in India. It is no secret that sizeable sections of India’s largest community, the Hindus, are communal, writes Amulya Ganguli for South Asia Monitor
After the pandemic, migrant workers, including the semi-skilled and skilled labour and small-scale business people, and private job holders, who are returning from abroad, will form the neo-lower class - a new working class - that will constitute a significant population in Nepal, writes Roshan Chirag for South Asia Monitor
South Asian countries can use ICDS as a blueprint and further formulate their respective policies following a tailored and local approach depending on the domestic factors pertaining to their region, writes Vishwajeet Singh Raghav for South Asia Monitor
It is advisable for the governments - of both Nepal and possibly India - to take a leaf from the UK Coronavirus Act, 2020 which was enacted for defeating COVID-19, writes Jivesh Jha for South Asia Monitor
On this Environment Day, let us commit ourselves to protect the biodiversity, for our own existence, writes Pradeep S. Mehta, George Cheriyan & Simi T. B.for South Asia Monitor
