Air power will remain central to national security. Whether India has enough of it, in the right form, and can afford it in scarce dollars, is still an open question. ACM Singh is to be commended for his distinguished service and stellar leadership – and more importantly – rendering objective professional advice to the apex leadership, an increasingly rare trait in the current times.
Under conditions of what is increasingly described as the "Great Fragmentation," Sri Lanka's geographic proximity to India should be viewed as a strategic advantage rather than a liability. Properly managed, this strategic reality could help transform Sri Lanka into a prosperous and stable nation.
The September 27 firing is therefore best seen as the beginning of a new phase in Pakistan’s naval modernization. The larger strategic question is still open. Whether Hangor changes the regional maritime balance will depend on what comes next
The Great Nicobar Island Development Project (GNIDP) is a mammoth venture by India to strategically strengthen its presence in the Andaman Sea and Southeast Asia with its own transshipment hub. The mega-infrastructure project spans approximately166.10 sq km covering about 15% of the total landmass of Great Nicobar Island at the southernmost tip of the Andaman and Nicobar archipelago.
Barring several imponderable items, the pomp and show and the nine-course meal banquet, Trump essentially returned empty-handed after his visit to China, with the latter asserting over Taiwan, ushering in G2, but with no major trade or investment concessions from Beijing. It is advantage China in this round, and the new-found confidence in Beijing could constrain New Delhi's moves.
Now, Bangladesh has said that future bilateral relations with India will heavily depend on successful renegotiation and renewal of the 1996 Ganges Water Sharing Treaty, which expires in December 2026. Bangladesh’s Water Resources Minister Shahiduddin Chowdhury Anee and the ruling Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) General Secretary Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir are pressing for immediate talks on new agreements that should not have fixed tenures.
Amid this regional uncertainty, a new dynamic is emerging. China and Pakistan are taking steps to form a new regional alliance that plans to include Bangladesh as a potential member. This reality may lead to various disagreements about the need for SAARC’s revival. However, establishing active regional cooperation in South Asia would help create geopolitical pressure and push crises like the Rohingya problem towards a coordinated solution.
None of this suggests that Pakistan’s rise is occurring at the expense of India’s decline. Despite its challenges, India remains far more capable than Pakistan in areas such as advanced technology, financial capacity, and strategic alliances. Nevertheless, the evolving global environment suggests that diplomatic flexibility is becoming increasingly important. In other words, the issue is less about visibility or size and more about the ability to operate effectively amid differences and maintain communication during difficult times.
China buys more than 80 percent of Iran’s shipped oil. In 2025, China purchased an average of 1.38 million barrels per day of Iranian oil, accounting for around 13.4 percent of China’s seaborne oil imports.China has therefore become the largest economic absorber of Iranian oil and Tehran’s principal economic lifeline. Without Chinese demand, Iran’s sanctions-hit economy would face far greater pressure.
Neither Bangladesh nor India — including West Bengal — is likely to fully concede its position. The future instead lies in pragmatic compromise, where domestic political constraints are balanced against the imperatives of regional cooperation. Ultimately, the trajectory of India–Bangladesh relations will depend less on identity politics and more on whether both sides can align economic necessity with political will.
The broader reality is that even if a political understanding emerges, restoring confidence in the Strait may take far longer than restoring a ceasefire. Shipping markets operate as much on perception of risk as on military realities. Tanker operators, insurers, charterers, and energy traders require predictability — and that predictability is currently absent.
New Delhi now occupies an awkward middle space: not fully trusted by the West, yet no longer fully aligned with the broader Global South consensus either. That ambiguity becomes riskier if Washington and Beijing move into even a temporary phase of strategic stabilisation.
The major bilateral issue is border security and management. While India claims that millions of Bangladeshis enter India illegally, reside and work here, Bangladesh dismisses that contention outright, saying that as their per capita income was higher than India’s, there was no reason for economic migration from Bangladesh to India.
Nearly 80% of Asia’s energy imports and a large portion of global container traffic move through the Indian Ocean. With conflicts in the Middle East, disruptions in the Red Sea, and increasing great-power competition, freight security has become a strategic economic issue. Sri Lanka is positioning itself not merely as a recipient of investment, but as a regional connector between South Asia, Southeast Asia, and island maritime states.
Military analyst Cooper argued that beyond battlefield outcomes, the operation exposed Pakistan’s inability to deter Indian strikes or mount a damaging counter‑response. He suggested the psychological impact of India’s operations triggered panic within Pakistan’s leadership, eventually driving Islamabad to seek international intervention.
Pakistan’s maritime domain offers multiple avenues for economic and strategic expansion. However, these remain underdeveloped. Coastal tourism has potential but lacks infrastructure and regulation. Offshore energy, including wind and tidal sources, remains largely unexplored. Marine biotechnology is another emerging sector with minimal investment. These gaps reflect a broader issue: the absence of long-term strategic planning
Even with a strong central government in India, West Bengal is likely to retain strategic importance for Bangladesh due to its geographic proximity, shared cultural identity, and direct influence over key bilateral issues such as river water sharing and border management. While Dhaka must formally prioritise engagement with New Delhi for any binding agreements, the practical success of many policies often depends on West Bengal’s political stance and cooperation.
Institutionalising mandatory constituency-level debates, organised by neutral academic or media institutions, can address this gap. These forums would require candidates to engage directly on employment, infrastructure, welfare delivery, governance performance, and manifesto vision.
By repeatedly threatening to close the Strait of Hormuz — the artery through which a significant portion of the world's energy supply flows — it has shown it is willing to inflict suffering on billions of people across India, China, and Africa simply to extract political leverage. A government willing to hold the world's energy supply hostage today will hold the world's existence hostage tomorrow if given the means to do so.
