Unlike earlier jihadist cells dominated by Pakistani nationals, this unit deliberately recruits women from Indonesia, the Philippines, Uzbekistan, and other foreign countries. Reason behind recruiting non-Pakistani nationals serves a dual purpose: it complicates attribution and shields Pakistan’s security apparatus from direct accountability. Such operational sophistication reflects ISI’s continued role not merely as a passive enabler but as an active architect of jihadist adaptation.
South Asia has the potential to be a global digital leader. It has a young population and a booming tech industry. However, this potential will only be realized if the region is secure. We must treat cybersecurity as a pillar of national security, just like border defense. This requires better technology, smarter laws, and stronger regional ties. The digital threats of 2026 are fast and complex. To meet them, South Asia must be faster and more united. The time to build a collective digital shield is now, before the next major crisis occurs.
Yet the strategic costs are real. Reduced engagement in Bangladesh risks ceding influence at a moment when Dhaka is actively diversifying its partnerships. Hesitation over Chabahar weakens India’s leverage in Iran and Central Asia and underscores its vulnerability to US pressure even as it seeks a more multipolar foreign policy. The 2026–27 Budget does not signal a dramatic shift in Indian foreign policy. There is no abandonment of neighbours-first rhetoric or of connectivity-led diplomacy. What it reveals instead is a narrowing circle of feasible economic action.
The ideals of 1971 represent inclusivity, human dignity, and resistance to oppression. Baul and Sufi traditions reject radical views and promote humanism and coexistence. Islam in Bengal arrived largely through Sufis—from Persia, Arabia, and Central Asia—who emphasized spirituality, tolerance, and accommodation. These traditions resonated with local Hindu practices and gave rise to syncretic forms such as Baul philosophy. Rabindranath Tagore and Nazrul Islam embodied this civilizational synthesis.
The United States wants to keep the South Asian region stable, seeking to neutralize the overdependence of any nation on China. Bangladesh, because of its geostrategic position, is being lured to align Dhaka with Washington’s strategic objective for a free and open Indo-Pacific.
While the contentious Durand Line has become one of the main reasons for cross-border skirmishes between Afghanistan and Pakistan, the Taliban has turned from being seen as an ideological ally that can give Pakistan 'strategic depth' against India, to a troublesome neighbour that is now viewed with deep suspicion.
Since 2019, China has been building 628 dual-use military villages (termed ‘Xiaokang’ or ‘well-off’ villages) along the southern border of the Tibet Autonomous Region (TAR), including inside Bhutan and in Arunachal Pradesh, India.
Diplomatic efforts must be intensified to address the ongoing border situation with China and safeguard Bhutan's sovereignty. It is also imperative to address the unresolved Bhutanese refugee issue and protracted family separation among Bhutanese Americans.
The time has come to drastically curb the unchecked and ultra-constitutional powers of the army chief, subject the intelligence agencies to public scrutiny and accountability, and limit their influence over domestic and foreign policy.
Much more violence could be expected in Manipur, with Meitei radicals waging all-out war against the Kuki-Zo, with Nagas fearing they would be the next target since the Arambai Tenggol alone outnumbers the tribals of Manipur hugely.
The Maldives has undergone a radical transformation. To see this as playing the India or China card would be a miscalculation. Indeed, the strategic narrative of what is going on is very different.
While the NPP’s visit to India exemplifies changes in its political understanding, it has an important dimension in Sri Lanka's domestic politics. New Delhi appears to have judged that the NPP coalition has the potential to play a decisive role in the upcoming presidential election.
The Pakistani military went all out to deliver this vote. Its idea to have direct control of the political situation to what it comprehends will bring stability to Pakistan’s crisis may be a pipe dream with a fractured verdict leaving Pakistan open to elements that will only compound its instability.
Rakhine's lack of effective government structure and civil order will continue to be a significant source of worry for the region, particularly in terms of humanitarian, security, economic, and political issues.
If the Nagas are drawn into the already raging ethnic conflict in Manipur, it would be catastrophic for the border state and have repercussions in the entire northeast of India. The decision to fence the entire India-Myanmar border and cancel the FMR could potentially lead to discontent in Nagaland and Mizoram.
The Maldives case is a vivid example that Beijing is not going to stop its power play in India's neighboring countries. China's aim is crystal clear: to question India's bid for regional leadership.
If India and China are changing, so are many other countries who realise the futility of trying to persuade a bunch of religious fundamentalists, now enjoying absolute power, to change their way of treating their people.
Besides youth, efforts have also been made to increase women’s inclusion in electoral politics. Section 206 of the Elections Act 2017 mandates at least 5 per cent women's representation in general seats. However, major political parties often award tickets to women for unwinnable seats and focus on swing constituencies.
Nobel Prize-winning economist Amartya Sen is a vehement supporter of granting land access to women and argues that economic empowerment is a critical step to realise the goal of gender equality and women’s empowerment.
